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Chapter 16 | The Urban Landscape
16.1 The Internal Structure of Cities
Urban Land Use
Social, economic, and spatial processes determine the land-use structure of cities.
Market forces propel dynamic changes at various scales, such as public roads or housing.
People want to maximize their access to jobs, homes, goods, and services.
The most valuable and accessible part of a city is its central business district, or CBD.
Recall bid-rent theory and how it can also apply to urban centers.
Land close to the CBD is the most expensive.
Competition for accessible sites near the city center is an important determinant of land-use patterns.
The more accessible a location, the greater the demand for it.
CBDs are often found in the historic hearts of cities, the original site of settlement.
Bidders are prepared to pay different amounts for land at various distances from the city center.
A business with a significant profit is more likely to be capable of buying property near the CBD.
One shortcoming of the bid-rent theory is the assumption that a city is on a flat plane with a single center of economic opportunities.
Another limitation is the suggestion of consistent city transportation.
It also assumes values decrease equally in all directions, which is not reflected in real-life.
The central business district is only one part of a city.
Cities include many different zones or areas such as residential and industrial ones.
Models of Urban Structure
Recall that all models mentioned are generalized representations of reality that help us analyze spatial features, processes, and relationships.
Burgess Concentric-Zone Model
Concentric-zone model: A model of urban development depicting a city growing outward from its central business district in a series of concentric rings
Ernest Burgess devised the concentric-zone model by studying Chicago in the 1920s.
This model shows a city growing outward from its CBD in a series of rings.
Most economic activity occurs in the center/CBD.
Here, there will likely be a major transportation hub, main offices of businesses, and headquarters.
The ring just outside of the CBD is in transition and has mixed-land use.
There may be industry, factory production, light manufacturing, alongside old and dense neighborhoods.
This area also generally includes urban populations earning the lowest incomes, with many people in poor conditions.
Residents in the transition zone are often first-generation immigrants or the elderly.
The third zone is home to the working class and is beneficially near the factory jobs in the CBD and transition zone.
Population density is lesser here, with people living in close, single-family dwellings.
The next ring includes higher-value residences, largely for the middle class.
Its overall population density is lower than the third zone.
The zone furthest is from the CBD is the commuter zone.
This ring contains expensive, single-family homes in more spacious suburban settings.
This zone has the lowest population density.
Hoyt Sector Model
In 1939, Homer Hoyt sought to improve the limitations of Burgess’s concentric-zone model.
He added the concept of direction.
He concluded that the general spatial arrangement was characterized better by sectors than concentric zones.
Sector model: A model of urban development depicting a city with wedge-shaped sectors and divisions emanating from the central business district, generally along transit routes
The city center remains the location of many commercial functions, but as the city expands, each division will extend outward in a sector.
This assumes that working-class residential areas develop alongside light manufacturing around the CBD.
High-class neighborhoods follow a path along transportation routes, on high ground with more space or in scenic areas.
New middle-class housing built on the city periphery attracts people who want to move away from the city center.
Subsequently, lower-income groups move into the vacated urban residences.
Harris and Ullman Multiple-Nuclei Model
Multiple-nuclei model: A model of urban development depicting a city where growth occurs around the progressive integration of multiple nodes, not around one central business district
Proposed in 1945, Chauncey Harris and Edward Ullman observed that most large U.S. cities don’t grow in the previously proposed ways.
They, rather, are formed by the progressive integration of multiple focal points of a functional region, or nodes.
Node: The focal point of a functional region
Harris and Ullman claimed that land use varies depending on local context.
The location and growth of the nodes rely on four factors.
First, highly specialized activities involve specific sites.
Certain activities require facilities or infrastructure and will, therefore, be located near those features.
Second, in certain areas, related companies arrange themselves together, leading to specialized areas.
By clustering together, these concentrations of economic activities all have access to the same pool of resources.
These resources can be workers, suppliers, or information channels.
Third, the negative consequences of commerce and industry can contribute to the formation of nodes.
Some activities don’t coexist well together and repel one another.
Fourth, economic considerations influence the formation of other kinds of nodes.
Land close to CBDs tends to be expensive, so activities that require a significant amount of land are typically located farther from city centers.
Galactic City Model
Galactic city model: A model of urban development depicting a city where economic activity has moved from the central business district toward loose coalitions of other urban areas and suburbs; also known as the peripheral model
Proposed by Pierce Lewis in the early 1980s.
This model explains what occurred in areas that became decentralized and formed suburbs after automobile use became widespread.
This model includes:
Newer business centers,
Internal and external edge cities located along transportation routes,
Edge city complexes for back offices for research and development (R&D),
Specialized centers for education, entertainment, sports, and convention.
Airports are always outside of the city but well connected by radial or peripheral highways.
Assumptions and Limitations of Geographic Models
It should be noted that many cities have aspects of more than one of these models.
Models are, again, generalizations and therefore cannot be perfectly applied to any real city.
Models can also be outdated, as their creators could not foresee modern innovations.
Latin American City Model
Geographers Ernest Griffin and Larry Ford developed the Latin American city model in 1980.
Latin American city model: A model of urban development depicting a city with with a central business district, concentric rings, a high-end commercial sector, and sections stricken by poverty; also known as the Griffin-Ford model
It shares some similarities with the concentric-zone model and sector model.
The traditional central market shares the CBD with a modern business center plus important religious and governmental buildings.
A high-end commercial sector extends outward from the CBD.
Wealthy residents live in the blocks adjoining both sides of this “spine.”
The spine typically ends with what can be considered an edge city.
A radial road—or a periferico—likely circles the city, connecting the mall with an industrial park(s).
Outside of the elite residential sector, further from the CBD, there are residential areas of decreasing wealth.
Other areas of mixed-quality housing in the Latin American city model are called disamenity zones.
Disamenity zone: A high-poverty urban area in a disadvantaged location containing steep slopes, flood-prone ground, rail lines, landfills, or industry
Squatter settlement: An informal housing area beset with overcrowding and poverty that features temporary homes often made of wood scraps or metal sheeting
Squatter settlements feature temporary homes often made of wood scraps or metal sheeting.
Squatter settlements lack basic infrastructure and services.
The people who live in these settlements aren’t legally permitted to be there.
African City Model
Many African cities have three CBDs.
In 1962 geographer Harm de Blij proposed the African city model.
African city model: A model of urban development depicting a city with three central business districts, growing outward in a series of concentric rings
The first CBD was created by colonial powers and often has a grid pattern for order and control.
The second, more traditional CBD has curbside commerce and more simple infrastructure.
The third is a zone for open-air markets.
Higher-income neighborhoods are located in the CBDs, and wealth and services decrease in the outer rings.
Squatter settlements called informal satellite townships are found along the outside of the African city model.
Just inside the ring where squatters live is the mining and manufacturing zone.
Southeast Asian City Model
Southeast Asian city model: A model of urban development depicting a city oriented around a port and lacking a formal central business district, growing outward in concentric rings and along multiple nodes
Created by geographer T.G. McGee in 1967.
This model states that there are two formal zones that remain constant: The port zone and a zone of intensive market gardening on the periphery.
The remainder of a Southeast Asian city includes a variety of uses:
A Western commercial zone
Non-indigenous Asian commercial zone,
Mixed-land use,
Suburban housing,
Squatter settlement zones,
Middle density housing,
Wealthy residential area.
Southeast Asian cities generally have a larger middle class than African or Latin American cities, so they have sizable suburban areas.
16.2 Urban Housing
Residential Land Use
Residential land use varies across urban landscapes, as does the density of the population, which generally declines from the center.
People in different economic brackets tend to live in different densities in an urban area.
Wealthy people tend to live in low-density places far from the CBD.
Historically marginalized classes are often clustered with greater density.
Wealthier people often trade a longer commute to the CBD in preference for more living space.
Lower-income families often cannot afford the cost of transportation, and wind up living in dense residential areas close to the city center.
This can create strain due to the bid-rent theory: land closer to the city center is more valuable, which is reflected by the cost of housing.
Another way of studying urban population densities is to consider the amount of living space per person in different countries.
A 2015 analysis of recently built homes found the following:
The average new home in Australia was 2,303 square feet
In the United States, it was 2,164 square feet,
In Japan it was 1,023 square feet,
And in urban areas of China, just 646 square feet.
The difference in urban population density is explained by the differences in housing types.
For example, New York City’s boroughs are mainly comprised of single-family homes and duplexes.
Paris, contrastingly, is almost entirely apartment buildings.
The lower population density in the United States reflects its history and culture.
Many international cities are significantly older than the United State’s cities, reflected in their land-use.
The older cities developed before advances in transportation, meaning all amenities needed to be within walking distance to one another.
New homes were built around U.S. cities to accommodate people wishing to move away from the city center.
They left behind older homes in the city, which were filled by people with lesser means; usually a racial minority.
The worst housing was abandoned, leading to urban blight.
In the 21st century, however, the desire to live and work in cities has increased.
In some cities these formerly abandoned urban spaces have been redeveloped.
These changes may represent a partial reversal of the pattern of wealthier households residing in areas of lesser density.
Cultural values influence how densely cities develop.
In the U.S., people value their space and therefore like detached homes with a yard.
In Europe, however, attitudes differ and families are more comfortable living in close proximity to others.
Physical geography, too, plays a role in urban density.
Some landscapes are simply not conducive to close housing, and therefore density is low not through choice but because of necessity.
The opposite is true as well; some cities are confined by natural features and therefore must live densely to contain the population.
Housing Density and Development
Density of housing is usually described as high, medium, or low.
These descriptions are relative and have different meanings depending on the place.
Broadly speaking, in high-density areas, a large number of people live on a small amount of land.
Recall that the bid-rent theory shows how housing density is influenced by land values: Higher-value land tends to cause higher density housing.
Low-density housing is common in many suburban areas, which include mostly detached single-family homes.
Sections of a city can seem high density because other sections are low density. Remember relativity.
Governments use various legislative tools to allow or prohibit certain land uses as well as to limit density and guide growth.
Zoning: The process of dividing a city or urban area into zones within which only certain land uses are permitted
Cities set their zoning according to their present and perceived future needs.
This may or may not create zones that reflect patterns like those in the various city models.
Through changes in land-use planning and zoning laws, housing density can change.
Some urban areas have embraced development, infilling, and land use changes more than others.
Increased density offers benefits such as governments being more capable of providing high-quality services.
Effective public transport relies on density as people will not use the system if they have to walk far to get to a stop or station.
A mass-transit system also needs enough riders to sustain it financially.
Similarly, businesses need enough customers to provide strong services.
16.3 Urban Infrastructure
Why is Infrastructure Important?
A well-functioning society relies on strong infrastructure, a framework that ensures high quality of life and helps people move from place to place.
Some experts consider infrastructure to include all services and institutions that help maintain the health, safety, economic, and social aspects of a country.
Infrastructure includes:
Mass-transit systems such as subways, buses, and light rail;
Energy-generating facilities such as power stations, wind farms, and hydroelectric plants;
Power lines, Telephone cables;
Ports, airports, waterways, and canals;
Roads;
Water supply systems, sewage systems, and wastewater treatment facilities.
Without operational infrastructure, disease is likely to spread and basic tasks would become difficult or impossible.
Infrastructure and Development
Core countries with powerful economies have the best infrastructure.
Their wealth and expertise make it possible to invest in and build effective frameworks.
Semi-/Peripheral countries don’t have the money for this development and as a result, many residents are unable to improve their living standards.
To some extent, this also exists within core and peripheral areas in one country.
Places with the strongest infrastructure experience the most economic and social development.
Infrastructure helps businesses succeed because it allows them to effectively transport goods, share information, and hire from a capable labor pool.
Infrastructure is one reason businesses and workers may relocate from one place to another.
Solid infrastructure, because it bolsters individual businesses, is especially important to the economic vitality of a city as a whole.
Infrastructure can be used not only to improve the economy, however, but also to make lives better and create equality.
The Political Organization of Cities
Like countries, states, or provinces, cities are political entities with governments whose job is to meet the needs of its residents.
Municipal—or city—governments are responsible for performing a variety of services.
They are expected to maintain infrastructure such as roads, sidewalks, sewer lines, and water mains.
Cities often also deliver services, most significantly schools.
They work to ensure public safety by providing police departments, fire departments, and emergency medical service (EMS) professionals.
Issues arise when an urban area consists of many different local governments that cannot collaborate due to lack of integration.
A lack of collaboration can arise at the regional level as well.
Many separate municipalities may not agree on how to solve region-wide problems.
Fragmented governments can face difficulty when the interests of municipalities collide with the interests of the region at large.
This is evident in areas with a housing shortage.
Local governments often aim to limit growth so their infrastructure isn’t overwhelmed.
Issues can also arise when the chain of command is interrupted by many different entities.
This leads to slow reaction times and accountability becoming unclear.
Qualitative Urban Data
Cities are dynamic, and responsible governments analyze these changes and prepare for their impacts.
Collecting data in multiple ways is one way for governments to build an understanding of how their cities are changing and how to plan.
Qualitative research is based on descriptions and rich narratives; quantitative research is based on collecting raw, observable data.
Qualitative research about cities generally involve questions about what people think the city is doing well, poorly, and what the city should be providing.
Qualitative researchers document their own observations as well.
They may see interactions or features in the city that could be improved, or ones that are well enjoyed by the population.
Qualitative and quantitative techniques provide a trade-off between breadth and depth.
Many people recommend using both or a mixed-method approach.
Quantitative Urban Data
Where qualitative research collects data on perceptions, quantitative research collects measurable and numerical data.
Quantitative techniques include taking measurements, examining test results, conducting questionnaires, and using data from other databases.
Quantitative researchers begin with a question that drives a data-collection process, which can be done with primary or secondary methods.
Primary data is information collected directly from a source.
Secondary data comes from outside sources.
Data is characteristics or information collected through observation and can be of four types:
Nominal data is named, labeled, or categorized data, such as type of housing: single-family detached or apartment.
Ordinal data has an order or rank, such as low, medium, or high income.
Interval data has an order and the difference between two numbers has meaning, such as temperature and year.
Ratio data contains all aspects of interval data but also has a true zero value, such as distance or area.
Nominal and ordinal data is qualitative and interval and ratio data are quantitative.
Local governments work with land-use data to understand changes in their communities and regions.
The best way for researchers to understand communities is to combine the data types, which gives them a full picture.