While not fully ideological in nature, the Peoples Democratic Party has generally favored center-right economic policies, which have moved Nigeria in a neoliberal economic direction, reducing the role of the government in economic decision making, and privatization of a growing segment of the economy.
The creation of the Nigerian Health Insurance Scheme is one of the welfare-state initiatives supported by the Peoples Democratic Party.
In 2007, the Peoples Democratic Party went as far as to make homosexuality a criminal act, with prison sentences for up to five years possible.
When the wave of northern states adopted Shari'ah law into their legal systems, thePDP national government chose to tolerate the change rather than force repeal, but insisted that the laws must only apply to Muslims in an appeal to religious toleration.
In the past, the opposition parties against thePDP were very disorganized.
The second place presidential candidate in Nigeria never received more than a third of the vote.
The Action Congress of Nigeria, the Congress for Progressive Change, and the All Nigeria People's Party joined forces in order to take on the Peoples Democratic Party in the 2015 elections.
An old theme in Nigerian history of Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba cooperation was revived when their interests coincide.
The first election victory for an opposition party in Nigeria's history was achieved by their candidate, who won 54 percent of the vote.
The left-leaning platform of the party encouraged government intervention to regulate the market on behalf of the poor, but was more socially conservative than the party's northern Islamic base would have you believe.
In Nigeria, the president and vice president are elected in a nationwide vote.
The House of Representatives and the Senate are elected in elections held within each state and the federal capital.
The degree to which Nigerians participate in elections and their sense of political efficacy is not settled science because of the variability of the data from Nigeria's official records.
In 2003's presidential election, the voting age population turnout was over 65 percent, but it was below 50 percent in both 2007 and 2011.
Nigerian citizens vote at the state level for a governor and a state legislature, as well as for local officials such as the mayor of their city or village.
Nigeria's election system is similar to that of the United States in many ways, such as direct election of the president, representation based on population in the House of Representatives, and an equal number of seats for every state in the Senate.
Nigeria's president is elected directly by Nigerian voters, and the constitution allows up to two terms.
The election lasts only one round with victory going to whichever candidate gets the most votes, though Nigeria has a unique requirement.
In order to be declared the winner after the first round, the candidate must get at least 25% of the vote in at least two-thirds of the states.
This requirement was put into Nigeria's constitution in 1999 to prevent regional parties from exercising power in a way that would divide the country.
The conduct of the voting was usually fraught with irregularity, such as the failure of ballots to arrive at certain polling stations, the early closing of polling places with lines of voters still waiting to cast a vote, or missing a particular candidate.
By comparison to the early elections of 2011, and 2015, international observers considered both to be reflective of the will of Nigerian voters.
There are over 300 single-member-district (SMD) constituencies in Nigeria.
Each state gets a number of constituencies based on their population relative to other states, so larger states get more representation.
Political parties are allowed to field a single candidate in each constituency, but not in the presidential election unless they get at least 5 percent of the vote in at least two-thirds of the states from the previous election.
If a party wants to qualify for the next presidential election, they need to cooperate nationally to field candidates across the country, and this discourages the formation of small parties around legislative candidates who are exclusively regional.
Nigeria can be considered a first-past-the-post election system since the winning candidate is the one with the most votes.
In the House of Representatives, thePDP won electoral majorities in every race from 1999 to 2011.
The Senate gives each state representation equally, unlike the House of Representatives, which gives representation to each state based on population.
There are three Senators for each of the thirty-six states and one for the Federal Capital Territory of Abuja.
In a first-past-the-post system, the candidate with the most votes in each electoral district is elected.
ThePDP won every Senate majority between 1999 and 2011, but lost their majority in 2015 and 2019.
During periods of military rule, Nigerian interest groups were the only way in which people could participate in the formation of policy.
The Nigerian Bar Association, Nigerian Medical Association, and other similar groups advocated for the interests of the people in the associated profession.
Interest groups were brought under the umbrella of state support in exchange for benefits.
Today's Nigeria has a wide array of interest groups making demands of the political system on a wide range of issues, though they are limited in their ability to achieve their objectives by the corrupt culture around Nigeria's politics.
Modern Nigeria is probably closer to pluralism than it is to state capitalism because of the general freedom of association, though there is still limited participation across the Nigerian population because of poverty and illiteracy.
Workers in Nigeria have been members of organized unions since the early 1900s, and labor interest groups are often a driving force in pushing for the concerns of ordinary Nigerian.
The oil industry was the most powerful political force in early independent Nigeria, but President Babangida used state capitalism to silence their opposition to his structural adjustment program and other economic reforms.
Since the end of military rule, labor has returned with a great deal of political power, often winning concessions in their organized strikes, which are happening with increasing regularity.
The 2012 protests that forced President Jonathan to reverse his decision on removing fuel subsidies were led by labor groups.
Business interests helped give legitimacy to the military rule of Babangida and Abacha by getting many of their policy preferences enacted, including privatization, the opening of trade, and structural adjustment.
Business leaders became part of the military's patron-client network and received the spoils of corruption.
Reducing official corruption is slowing Nigeria's economic growth more than any other factor.
Many groups emerged during military rule in the 1980s and 1990s demanding democratic reforms and the restoration of civil liberties, and they continue to push for reforms today.
Rules to ensure the fairness of elections, more protections and rights for women, and policies to protect Nigeria's vulnerable and poor are all called for by these groups.
Nigeria has retained a developed and independent press despite Sani Abacha's attempts to close it down.
Most of Nigeria's media coverage is in the south and the cities where economic development has been the strongest.
There is less access to television and print media in the rural north because of the government's restrictions on free speech and the press.
Under military rule, the state tried to control and censor the media in order to present its own perspective and version of events, but it usually lacked the capacity to control coverage, especially with a large presence of foreign news companies.
Middle-class Nigerian have access to domestic and international news broadcasts.
The rate of men accessing a news media source at least once a day is higher than the rate of urban dwellers.
Word-of-mouth is the second most common form of news accessed, an indication of the relative lack of development in Nigeria compared to the other countries of study.
In other countries, the internet and mobile technology is revolutionizing media.
More than 80 percent of Nigerian's own a mobile phone, and 60 percent use the Internet to read and share news stories.
News coverage in Nigeria criticizes all manner of government policy.
Investigative reporting is common.
The Nigerian domestic media gave a prominent voice to dissident professors and political activists suspicious of the numbers they analyzed in each state's vote result, and drove most of the coverage of the irregularities and fraud allegations during the 2007 election.
Political cartoons and caricatures making fun of powerful politicians are a regular feature of the media, though the targets of the criticism sometimes accuse their critics of using ethnic slurs and stereotypes.
The model of separation of powers, checks and balances and federalism outlined in the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria is only in theory.
Nigeria's president and other institutions do not typically function as a check on the power of the chief executive.
Even though Nigeria's constitution restricts the power of the president, he still has a lot of it.
The president of Nigeria may be reelected to a second term.
He is the unified head of state and head of government, performing both ceremonial duties and overseeing the national bureaucratic administration.
The power of the president to appoint nearly all of Nigeria's public officials, and to do so without any consent from the legislature or any other body, is the most significant power the president has.
This allows the president to create a huge network of loyalists dependent on him for good paying jobs, with opportunities for corruption to supplement their salaries.
The National Assembly consists of the House of Representatives and the Senate, which are elected at the same time as the presidential election.
The legislature is bicameral in order to pass legislation.
If there is a two-thirds majority in both houses, the Assembly can pass a bill over the president's veto.
The Senate can impeach judges, but the president must first recommend their impeachment, and it is the Senate that confirms the president's cabinet and top-level court nominations.
Most other presidential appointments have no confirmation power.
In terms of governance, the Assembly has been described as being in a learning process since 1999 and it has been notoriously slow in carrying out this function.
Many bills passed by thePDP majority in 2007, which were still awaiting the president's signature or veto at the time he left office in 2015, have not been cooperative.
The legislature of the president's own party stood against him when he tried to change the constitution to run for a third term, but this is only one example of the legislature acting as a presidential check.
Thirty-six states and the Federal Capital Territory are part of Nigeria.
Voters directly choose their state governors and state Legislatures, as the states have constitutional authority over many issues of local concern.
A federal system makes sense because of the ethnic divisions in Nigeria.
Each ethnic group can make policies based on local preferences.
The degree of local control of the state governments has been undermined by two major factors.
After taking power in a coup, military leaders in Nigeria attempt to consolidate power over the state governments either by asserting their authority to control the outcomes of local elections or abolishing elections altogether.
The last military government of Nigeria ended in 1998 with the death of Sani Abacha.
Oil is a point of contention in the federal system.
State governments and citizens in oil-rich regions of Nigeria believe that they should get a bigger share of the profits from oil than the national government.
It is the responsibility of the national government to make sure that all of the citizens benefit from the nation's oil resources, according to citizens and governments in the states without much oil.
The national government's complete ownership and control of the oil revenues gives the national government significant power over the states, which is a frequent source of political conflict in the country.
In a country with a weak national identity, federalism has served to further weaken and undermine it, as state boundaries are drawn along ethnic and religious lines.
Each state government is free to pursue its own policy agenda without regard for compromise or cooperation with other groups.
The 1999 Constitution states that federalism is central to the character of modern Nigeria.
Nigeria's courts are divided into a state and federal system, with state laws applied in state jurisdiction and federal laws in federal jurisdiction.
The system is similar to the British model of lower-level courts that can appeal up to higher levels.
The Supreme Court is the last resort for all state and federal appeals.
There are up to twenty-one justices on the Supreme Court at any one time, based on the recommendation of a judicial commission to the president.
The power of the court to declare actions of the president or the National Assembly unconstitutional is not used often.
Military rule ravaged the courts' strength after independence, despite the fact that the judiciary was well trained and independent.
Many military-affiliated cronies were appointed into positions as judges with little or no legal training.
Like many other governing institutions in Nigeria, the courts suffer from corruption and inefficiency.
A lot of court officials ask for bribes to speed up trials or give favorable rulings.
Nigeria's judiciary is similar to the British system of common law, but it has been complicated by the emergence of local Shari'ah courts.
Nigeria's dual federal-state court system is complicated by the creation of Shari'ah courts in twelve northern states.
While their application is limited to Muslims, they have generated controversy both inside and outside of Nigeria.
There has only been one execution resulting from a Shari'ah court case, despite the harsh punishments allowed under the law.
Nigeria created a Sharia Court of Appeals at the federal level to review local court decisions.
Many people in Nigeria believed that the fusion of religious authority in the federal structure was unconstitutional.
The British colonial model allowed Nigerian to work in the lowest levels, overseen by British administrators.
After independence, the civil service grew into a bloated apparatus of patron-client network to provide jobs for political loyalists and return favors.
The problem of corruption and patron-client systems in Nigeria is so entrenched that scholars use the term prebendalism to describe it.
The Nigerian state bureaucracy is bloated, inefficient, and thought to be highly corrupt.
The bureaucracy has a reputation for being corrupt and inefficient.
The term "prebendalism" describes how many Nigerian bureaucrats treat their post as a way to get more money.
Parastatal agencies and companies are one of the largest segments of the Nigerian bureaucracy.
They are overseen and staffed at the top levels by appointees of the president, making them part of the state and the patron-client network of patrimonialism.
The Power Holding Company of Nigeria was formerly the Nigerian Electric Power Authority.
Nigerian citizens are often frustrated by problems of electricity availability and frequent power outages.
The government would pour millions of dollars into improvements meant to change the problems with little result.
In order to solve the problems at the company, the government broke the company into at least seventeen subsidiary local companies, with billions of dollars invested to create new infrastructure.
Nigeria is generating less electricity since the reform, which is estimated to be as little as 1.5 percent of total Nigerian demand.
A large number of generators are running outside of commercial spaces to keep power flowing to the machines that are needed for the day's work.
There are many similar cases of inefficient and corrupt parastatal institutions.
There are others in the oil and gas sector.
The military is a powerful political force in Nigeria.
The highest-ranking officer in the military was in charge of all political policymaking during the periods of military rule.
The military in government and the military in barracks were expected to follow the orders of the government, but other high-ranking military officials took posts across all levels of government.
Military rulers would often appoint rivals to high office in government in order to keep them away from their armies because they were afraid of being overthrown in a coup.
The Nigerian military is the best place for a young Nigerian man to advance his economic prospects and prove his talents, with the exception of a university education in petroleum engineering, or leaving the country altogether.
It is the sole national institution that brings diverse people together.
About 500,000 active troops are strong, with modest funding of $7 billion per year.
The loss of professionalism and effectiveness of Nigeria's military was complained of by President Obasanjo when he gave his inaugural address in 1999.
Reforms were enacted to force the retirement of military officials who had held government posts in prior military regimes, and enlisted a more diverse group into the top officer ranks.
He asked the international community to upgrade the equipment and training of the military so that it can focus on its primary function.
The military has not attempted to regain political power since the reforms, but their ability to provide security is in question.
The strength of the insurgency in northern Nigeria has been high since 2010.
Over 1.5 million people have been displaced due to the violence in the northeast, and at least 13,000 civilians have been killed by the group.
The group kidnapped hundreds of girls in order to sell them into slavery.
The military was unable to deal with the insurgency and by the year of 2014, it had been taken over by the group.
The Independent National Election Committee decided to delay the election by six weeks because of the threat of violence from the group.
In the aftermath of Nigeria's failures to fight the terrorist group, the British and American authorities expressed their frustration with the Nigerian military's unpreparedness.
Nigeria's public policy concerns show its status as a developing country.
The country needs resources to answer its problems, which include high economic inequality, low per capita incomes, low rates of literacy, and problems with HIV/AIDS.
Oil may seem like an easy solution to find funding for these problems, but it can cause more problems than it helps.
Oil brings tremendous wealth into Nigeria, accounting for as much as 46 percent of Nigeria's GDP when sectors related to the oil industry are factored in.
Nigeria has become a rentier state because of its dependence on oil and the activities of foreign corporations to fund the state's operations.
The curse of concentration of economic control in the hands of the state, corruption, and lack of development in other sectors of the economy is sometimes referred to as the resource curse.
Nigeria's exports consisted of 76 percent crude oil, 14 percent petroleum gas, 1.7 percent refined petroleum, and everything else, making up the remaining 8.3 percent.
There has been a lot of talk about privatizing Nigeria's parastatal interests, but little progress has been made.
Control of the revenues from oil seems to be related to the problem of corruption.
A study estimated that corruption in Nigeria accounts for 20 percent of GDP.
The governor of Nigeria's Central Bank submitted a letter and a 300-page report to the president explaining that he believed the state oil company had failed to account for and transfer to the state roughly $20 billion.
By his analysis, the NNPC was using subcontracting for work that wasn't actually being performed, swap deals that undervalued the company's assets, and manipulation of the popular government subsidies for fuel in order to steal a tremendous amount of money.
President Jonathan fired him after dismissing his claims.
The Movement to Emancipate the Niger Delta (MEND) is one of the non-state militant movements that has been motivated by oil and the economy around it.
MEND wants to deliver the benefits of oil revenues to the community that lives on top of the oil in the Delta, and to get the government to pay for the environmental damage caused by the industry's operations.
According to MEND, the environmental degradation has made the land impossible to farm or fish on, so a family can no longer survive.
MEND conducts guerilla warfare, sabotage, kidnapping, and theft against multinational oil companies and their employees, and occasionally against civilian targets outside of the Delta region.
The Nigerian government has waged a military campaign against MEND, ranging from small operations that capture MEND militant while they are stealing oil from pipelines to targeted airstrikes at the locations of known MEND leaders.
MEND's formation in 2004 has led to a lot of conflict in the region.
The concept of "three regions" was introduced in the British Nigerian Constitution in 1946.
It has been a part of the system ever since.
Nigeria's ethnic and religious diversity makes it possible for the Constitution to be created with thirty-six states drawn with consideration toward the lines that separate major ethnic groups from one another.
For most of Nigeria's history, federalism hasn't really functioned as a true division of power, either because of repressive military rulers who made states meaningless, or because of the tremendous amount of federal wealth concentrated in the president's patron-client network.
The federal structure in Nigeria is problematic.
The level of corruption in the Nigerian political system is endemic.
Nigeria's federalism creates a second level of 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 888-282-0476 The rights of minority groups within its state may be in danger because of the vested power at a local level into an ethnocentric majority group.
There have not been many non-Muslims subjected to the judgments of the Shari'ah courts so far.
In the early 2000s, there was a lot of religious violence in divided Christian and Muslim communities in states with large Christian minorities.
Since the death of Sani Abacha, Nigeria has been in the process of building a democratic regime.
Nigeria's political elites have shown limited commitment to the values of democracy despite the difficult path this has been.
The Independent National Electoral Commission was created in 1998 to oversee the elections that would bring Nigeria into the Fourth Republic.
Despite its "independent" title, the INEC has been criticized for making decisions that benefited the government.
Five million false ballots were discovered by police in Lagos in 2003 after millions of people voted several times.
The Commission reported hundreds of thousands of votes from areas where few or no polling sites were open.
The high official turnout rate is suspicious.
By most accounts 2007, was even worse.
A region that had 500 registered voters had over 2,000 votes counted in the official results.
There were pending fraud charges against the former Vice President, who was barred from running by the INEC.
The Supreme Court ruled that the INEC had acted in a way that was inappropriate.
Abubakar's name did not appear on many Nigerian ballots.
President Jonathan appointed a new chairman of the INEC.
Jega solicited funding to update Nigeria's voter registration lists, and the election did not have a lot of complaints about fraud.
Nigeria introduced a national ID card that would be used to vote.
The first transfer of power through election in Nigeria's history may have been possible because of the reduced role of ballot box stuffing and fraud that the cards seem to have reduced.
The Economic Community of West African States ( ECOWAS) is a union of fifteen West African countries who have agreed to create a free-trade zone and explore further opportunities for economic integration.
Expansion of transportation infrastructure across national boundaries to make trade more efficient is one of the goals of the union.
They include mutual cooperation on security issues.
One of the major undertakings of ECOWAS is the West African Monetary Zone, which aims to unify monetary policy among its six members and create a common currency, usually referred to as the eco.
The eco was supposed to be in use in 2015, but has been delayed due to the member states having to meet certain economic targets before the currency can be used.
None of the members, including Nigeria, have been able to reach the low rates of inflation, low government budget deficits, and other targets.
Nigeria has an opportunity to expand the export of manufactured goods because of the loss of sovereignty over trade policy in ECOWAS.
Nigeria is assured of a leading role in ECOWAS going forward, as it has the largest population and GDP of the members.
The combined population and GDP of the other fourteen countries does not correspond to Nigeria's.
The terms that appear on the AP Comparative Government and Politics exam are tested.
The party in power in Nigeria, the All Progressives Congress, formed as an alliance of opposition parties leading into the 2015 presidential election, in which the south tried to break away from Nigeria.
Nigeria's political culture is shaped by the following historical phenomena: Conflict between religious and secular societies, European colonization, worker-versus-owner conflict, and the dissolution of the major African empires.
Nigeria's Senate election system gives an equal number of Senate seats to every state and divides the country into 450 constituencies to give each party proportional representation, but it's little more than a rubber stamp on the president's preferred candidates.