Businesses in the United States are able to lobby the government to pass rules and regulations that will enhance their position, and to stop those that will hurt them.
Big business can bring in a lot of money, which can give them an edge in influencing government.
The small businesses would be forced out of business if the larger businesses were allowed to compete as organic food producers.
In this case, the small businesses were aided by citizen action in the form of grassroots lobbying-- ironically, in this case, with a little astroturf thrown in.
Consumers who choose to eat organic foods were able to follow through with political action because they were focused, committed, and assertive.
The playing field is different today.
Many traditional food industries have organic divisions, and some traditional food interest groups, like the Organic Consumers Organization, were founded in the wake of the battle over how organic was to be defined.
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He claims that interest groups can potentially threaten the health of asociety.
One of the many advantages promised by a well constructed Union is its tendency to break and control the violence of the other side.
The friend of popular governments never finds himself so concerned about their fate as he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice.
I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.
There are two ways of curing the mess of faction, one by removing its causes and the other by controlling its effects.
There are two ways to remove the causes of faction, one is to destroy the liberty which is essential to its existence, and the other is to give the same opinions, passions, and interests to every citizen.
The first remedy was worse than the disease.
Liberty wants to know what air is to fire, an aliment that instantly expires.
It would be folly to abolish liberty, which is essential to political life, because it is essential to animal life, and it would be folly to abolish air, which is essential to animal life, because it is destructive.
The second expedient is equally impracticable as the first would be.
Different opinions will be formed if the reason of man continues to fallible.
As long as the connection between his reason and his self-love remains, his opinions and passions will have an influence on each other; and the objects to which the latter will attach themselves.
The rights of property originate in the faculties of men and the diversity of those faculties is an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests.
The first object of the government is the protection of these faculties.
From the protection of different and equal faculties of acquiring property, the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately leads to a division of the society into different interests and parties.
The nature of man leads to the creation of different degrees of activity, according to the different circumstances of civil society.
The various and equal distribution of property has been the most common source of conflict.
Those who hold and those who don't have property have different interests in society.
Those who are both creditor and debtor are discriminated against.
A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a moneyed interest, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in civilized nations and divide them into different classes.
The main task of modern legislation is the regulation of these interests, and involves the spirit of party and group in the operations of the government.
It is not possible to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests and render them subservient to the public good.
Enlightened statesmen won't always be in charge.
In many cases, an adjustment can't be made without taking into account indirect and remote considerations, which will rarely prevail over the interests of one party over the interests of the whole.
Relief is only sought in the means of controlling its effects, because CAUSES of faction cannot be removed.
Relief is supplied by the republican principle if a group consists of less than a majority.
It will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the Constitution, but it may convulse the society.
The form of popular government that includes a majority allows it to sacrifice to its ruling passion or interest both the public good and the rights of other citizens.
To secure the public good and private rights against the danger of such a group, and at the same time to preserve the spirit and form of popular government, is the great object to which our inquiries are directed.
This form of government can be saved from the opprobrium under which it has labored by virtue of the great desideratum.
Either the existence of the same passion or interest in a majority at the same time must be prevented, or the majority must be rendered unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression.
We know that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control if the impulse and opportunity coincide.
They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals, and lose their efficacy in proportion to the number combined together.
A society consisting of a small number of citizens, who assemble and administer the government in person, can admit of no cure for the mess they have made.
A common passion or interest will be felt by a majority of the whole, a communication and concert result from the form of government itself, and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual.
Such democracies have always been a source of contention and turbulence, as well as being incompatible with personal security and the rights of property, and have been violent in their deaths.
Theoretic politicians have wrongly thought that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights, they would be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions, their opinions, and their passions.
A republic, by which I mean a government in which the scheme of representation takes place, opens a different prospect, and promises a cure for which we are seeking.
We will understand both the nature of the cure and the efficacy of the Union when we examine the points in which it varies from pure democracy.
The delegation of the government to a small number of citizens elected by the rest is one of the great points of difference between a democracy and a republic.