He viewed the suffering of the lower orders as the result of individual defects of character, not bad luck.
He said that some suffering was beneficial.
His thought merged with the deeper conviction that is central to European identity in modern times, that strife and suffering are necessary to creativity and progress.
Most of Europe has an austere view of progress.
The belief in the clash of material forces was not compatible with the realism of the post-1848 period.
Marx said that proletarian suffering, class conflict, and a violent dictatorship were needed to reach the promised land of communism.
Many prominent politicians of the day in Britain shared Smiles's distrust of political efforts to solve social and economic problems.
The Reform Bill of 1832 was held to have allowed Britain to reach a stage of political perfection while Lord Palmerston was prime minister.
Thomas Macaulay, one of Britain's most esteemed historians, commented at the end of the troubled 1840s that "all around us the world is convulsed by political upheaval."
The course of government in our island has never been interrupted.
In the 19th century, confrontations between the forces of order and the protesters in Britain were relatively tame compared to those in France and other European nations.
In the first part of the century, there were only eleven deaths and 400 wounded in the Peterloo massacre.
Number of that order was involved in Britain's subsequent clashes.
The battles between the leading figures of the Victorian era could be fierce.
Two Victorian statesmen were famous for that.
The hostilities were mostly verbal, less likely to be linked to violence than on the Continent.
Parliament remained in the hands of the upper classes and they still spoke the same language, one in which wit and repartee had been honing to an impressive sharpness.
Observers have seen luck in British politics.
The British throne had only one queen between 1836 and 1901, so they had an advantage over France, just like the Habsburg Empire had one Kaiser, Franz Joseph, from 1848 to World War I.
In the same period there were three kings, a short-lived second republic, a second empire, and then another republic, with increasingly violent revolutions in 1830, it is unlikely that any queen or king would have lasted long in France.
The popularity of Queen Victoria's name was developed in the later part of the century.
The premature death of Victoria's husband, Prince Albert, in 1861, sent her into a period of mourning and withdrawal from public view, but antimonarchical feelings in those years remained relatively unimportant and unavoidably mixed with sympathy for her personal tragedy.
A long-lived monarch is not the sole reason for Britain's political calm.
Aside from the flexibility of the country's ruling classes, perhaps the most important of them was the lasting ingenuity and productivity of its rapidly expanding population, especially its middle classes, linked to the unusual preoccupation of its subjects with the creation of material wealth.
Britain's renewed industrial and commercial surge in the 1850s and 1860s could be traced back to the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846.
Heavy industry expanded the textile base of the earlier industrial revolution.
The repeal of the Corn Laws caused Britain to become more reliant on imports.
The country made handsome profits from exporting manufactured products.
Shipping services and interest on capital investments abroad earned Britain's profits.
The years after the repeal of the Corn Laws saw an expansion of British trade with the rest of the world.
The Treaty of the Chevalier-Cobden between France and Britain was seen as a victory for the principles of free trade.
Those who believed in the benefits of free trade were encouraged by the fact that two nations that had historically been enemies had agreed to move toward dismantling long-standing tariffs.
The industrial productivity of the 1850s and 1860s was paralleled by a continued population increase in most of Europe.
Higher birth rates, lower death rates, and mass movements of populations are included in the nature and origins of rapid demographic increase.
Despite the ravages of the Potato Famine and the drain of emigration to the New World, Britain had one of the fastest rates of population growth in Europe.
In the first half of the 19th century of Europe as a whole, the population grew at a rapid rate, but in the 1850s and 1860s it slowed down.
Europe's rising share of the world's population showed a particular spurt between 1850 and 1939 as part of a larger story of population growth around the world.
Malthus's dour predictions about the dangers of popula tion growth began to seem unnecessarily alarmist, or at least out of sync with the rising optimism of the Victorian era.
The French began to worry that France's population was not growing fast enough since it was being passed by Germany and Britain.
Malthus's observations about how population growth tended to outstrip the production of food continued to impress a wide variety of observers in this optimistic age.
In the 1850s, a large proportion of Britain's expanding population was denied the vote.
Many prominent figures in Britain remained wary of popular rule despite the fact that France and Germany included universal male suffrage in their constitutions.
The popular vote came to Britain more slowly than in France or Germany.
The next step in that direction would be under a Conservative ministry led by Disraeli.
He concluded that a conservative alliance of the working class and upper class against middle-class liberals was a notion of promise after changing his mind about the mass.
The Reform Bill of 1867 doubled the number of voters, but Disraeli's Conservative Party was defeated by the Liberals.
Disraeli resigned in disgrace.
Disraeli's democracy had a future.
Disraeli was prime minister from 1874 to 1880, and Britain's privileged upper orders reconciled themselves not only to liberal economic principles but also to democraticconstitutional liberalism, which is what "democracy" came to imply from then on in Britain and the United States, rather than directconstitutional liberalism.
In 1884 another reform bill added 2 million more male voters, which was close to what the Chartists had demanded.