In Afghanistan and Iraq, the U.S. won victories against conventional armies with very little bloodshed on either side.
In both countries, it got involved in guerrilla wars.
The Spanish victory against Napoleon and the Vietnam communists' victory against the U.S. were aided by massive outside aid.
The United States is likely to defeat both insurgencies in the end, but the end is likely to be a long time coming.
The United States had a third of its army tied up in two countries, and much of the rest was retraining and reequipping.
The Iraq venture turned out to be much more expensive than Bush and his advisers had thought.
According to the U.S. administration, the reconstruction of Iraq would be paid for out of the country's oil revenues.
Iraq's basic equipment and services, including the oil industry, had been almost destroyed by years of war and sanctions, and it became clear that the United States would have to finance the rebuilding.
The cost of the war and reconstruction went up to $150 billion.
The U.S. administration's undertaking seemed to be straining the military and economic resources of the United States at the same time as it strained the relationship of the United States with the rest of the international community.
Only a minority of governments and almost no peoples were prepared to accept the United States in the role it intended to fill, of reliable Trustee for the interests of the world.
The United States felt that the international community was weak and hypocritical, so much so that it felt that the United States was its single leading citizen.
The United States was the main target of resentment among "the Rest" against "the West" for its globalization policies.
Issues that pitted the United States against its Western partners were also occurring.
The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, which 150 nations had already signed, was refused to be confirmed by the U.S. Senate in 1999.
The divisive issues had become more common since the Bush administration came to power.
The new administration went to great lengths, including threatening to veto the financing of UN peacekeeping operations, to get its armed forces exempted from the jurisdiction of a newly established Permanent War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague, which was intended to be ready in advance to do justice against any future perpetrators of atrocities like In 1997, the United States and many other nations agreed upon a protocol for reducing emissions of burned fuel suspected of causing global warming.
The Kyoto Protocol was not submitted to the Senate by the Bush administration.
There were many arguments in favor of the U.S. decisions.
Whether global warming is taking place at all, how fast it is taking place, whether it is caused by humans, or both, is still uncer tain.
Climatologists call it the "precautionary principle", which means that with global warning, it is better to be safe than sorry.
Even though most of the nations of the world took the judgement about global warming seriously, the United States had the right to refuse to subject itself to painful economic constraints.
The United States wanted the nations of the world to risk the lives of their troops in war on the basis of uncertainty about what might happen with Iraqi WMDs.
The United States had refused to obey the will of the international community and now wanted the community to accept its judgement.
The United States claimed that this was justified since it was correct about both global warming and Iraqi WMDs.
Most of the community believed that the United States was wrong about global warming, and was wary of a leading citizen that intended to command but refused to obey.
The United States did not lead a united international effort like it did in the Gulf War and against Afghanistan.
The United States dragged the international community along with it, with some governments going farther and more eagerly, and others pulling back with all their might.
Britain sent a third of its army to take part in the invasion of Iraq because of its special relationship with the United States.
Other western European governments believed that they had a duty to take part in postwar peacekeeping.
Eastern European governments looked to the United States for protection against their larger neighbors on the east and west.
India and China, along with the leading non-Western powers, held away from both the war and postwar peacekeeping.
Germany, which had a chancellor who believed he would lose an election if he did the United States' bidding, broke ranks with the Western partnership and refused to take part.
France's tradition of accepting U.S. leadership only in times of clear and present danger is what pushed it to veto the Security Council resolution that would have authorized the invasion of Iraq.
Iraq's possible WMDs seemed less threatening than the prospect of an international community that was dominated by the United States.
The United States and its allies went to war.
The resisters of the U.S. action all voted in favor of legitimizing and authorizing UN cooperation with the U.S.-led occupation administration in Iraq.
The United States was able to get a measure of agreement from the international community by confronting them with an accomplished fact and daring them to oppose it.
The agreement was not enthusiastic and to judge from opinion polls, the people of countries that stood by the United States were mostly against the war.
The majority in the United States supported the war, but there were wide swings of opinion afterwards, influenced partly by the events of the occupation and partly by the revelation that on the eve of war, Iraq had not possessed WMDs, or active programs for developing them.
In the short run, it might resent U.S. intervention, but in the long run, it would be integrated into a global civilization based on secular democracy.
The project didn't make a lot of progress in the short run.
Iran and Libya were intimidated by the United States into being more forthcoming about their nuclear ambitions.
It was not possible to force the Palestinian Authority to act against terrorist groups or to force Arafat to give up his power.
Instead, the Israelis began building a barrier against suicide bombers that took in part of the disputed West Bank territories, and they talked of evacuating their settlements in Gaza.
They were preparing for a long struggle to defend themselves against Palestinian terrorism and to hold the most valuable gains that they had made.
They didn't believe that the United States had the power to impose a settlement on the Palestinians or themselves after the Iraq war.
Some undemocratic Muslim governments, including Kuwait and other states in the Persian Gulf, introduced or promised measures to increase popular participation in government.
These measures were designed to make sure that Islamic religious parties wouldn't be able to control governments if they won a majority in the legislature.
The governments in Muslim countries, such as the one in Tunisia, were confident that the United States would not bother them if they were pro-Western and fundamentalist Islam.
Most of the people in the Muslim world were angry and dismayed by the war.
They considered the U.S. effort to impose its values and will, gain control of Middle Eastern oil fields, and bully the Arabs into submission to Israel to be brazen.
rebuilding Iraq as a prosperous, secular, and democratic state was the main U.S. hope of changing this mood.
Iraq is being rebuilt.
Journalists and scholars who were knowledgeable about the Middle East and sympathetic to the administration's plans often advised that Iraq follow the secular and democratic model of a neighboring Muslim country, Turkey.
Turkey followed the path of Westernizing itself in order to achieve equality with the West after the fall of the Ottoman Empire.
It had become a country with a free-market economy and political parties.
Islam, practiced by millions of believers, was both subsidized but also supervised by the state, and was officially restricted in many ways from exercising the kind of open influence on society and politics that would be considered normal for all religions in Western countries.
The army ousted elected politicians who were too influenced by Islam or left-wing ideologies.
The leaders of the Islamic-influenced party made a point of proclaiming their belief in secular government and politics.
The glue that held the state together was shared by all parties.
The U.S. administration intended to rebuild Iraq on this pat tern.
The administration believed that the United States would be the one to design the future Iraq, and that the Iraqi people would eagerly work to rebuild their country under U.S. direction.
Not many people inside Iraq wanted it to be the kind of country that the United States intended for it to be, nor did they have their own vision of what kind of country they wanted to live in.
The collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1920 led to the creation of Iraq.
The Kurds did not want to be a part of Iraq because of the harsh treatment they received in Syria and Turkey.
The Kurds wanted a semi-independent territory in the north of Iraq that would be the core round of a united and independent Kurdistan one day.
The Shiite Muslims, Arabs living in the south of Iraq hoped for an Iraq where they would be the dominant force.
They wanted to live in a democracy but didn't want it to be secular.
They didn't want direct clerical rule as in Iran, but it was clear that the majority in Iraq would support Islamic values and the Shiite ayatollahs would have a lot of influence.
The areas where the three main religious and national communities dominate are shown on the map.
All three communities are part of larger groups.
Iran is mostly Shiite, and Shiite Islam is spread across the Middle East.
The religion of the Arab world is Sunni Islam.
The Iraqi Kurds are a fragment of a large nation that lives mainly in Turkey, Iran and Syria.
The Sunni Arabs had a good life under Saddam Hussein.
Their territories in central Iraq were the scene of vicious guerrilla warfare against the U.S. occupation and terrorist attacks against Iraqis who cooperated with it.
The Iraq occupation administration, run by the United States, faced a constant problem of how to impose its idea of a nation on groups that had definite and conflicting ideas of their own.
This problem was attacked by the United States in many ways.
Billions of dollars were poured into Iraq to rebuild the country's basic equipment and services.
The Iraqi Governing Council's members were selected by the occupation administration, but mostly had independent standing in the Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish com munities, as its Iraqi partner.
The army and police force would not be controlled by one group.
It involved its soldiers in many small-scale projects that were intended to win the trust of Iraqis.
It sponsored elected city councils that made decisions.
Although most Iraqis were overjoyed to be rid of Saddam Hussein, they didn't show much gratitude or devotion to their liberators.
The Shiite majority began to lose patience with their status as wards of a non-Muslim and non-Arab occupation regime, which was more threatening to the U.S. project than the Sunni insurgency.
The administration changed course in the face of growing tension and doubts among U.S. voters.
The handover of power to the Iraqi government was announced in the middle of 2004, despite the plan to keep troops in Iraq.
The United States still wanted to have a say in the new Iraq.
It was intended that the new government wouldn't be elected, and that a new constitution would be drafted by an assembly of small local groups that were appointed by the occupation administration.
There were administrative problems that made it difficult to hold elections.
The United States believed that the longer the elections were delayed, the greater its chance of handing over power to an Iraqi government that would share its vision of a secular as well as democratic Iraq, and the greater the chance of Iraqis who shared this vision winning elections when they were finally held.
The policy ran into trouble early in 2004, when the most influential Shiite cleric called for massive demonstrations against the U.S. caucus plan, on the grounds that any legitimate Iraqi government and constitution must reflect the will of the people as revealed by elections.
If the UN confirmed that elections were not possible, the ayatollah would accept delayed elections.
The United States turned to the international community that it had thought of setting aside.
The difference between the occupiers and the ayatollah was split by a UN delegation.
The United States wanted elections to be held early in 2005, but Caucuses were politically unacceptable.
It seemed that the irresistible force of the world's only superpower had met an object in the form of a leader who wielded the power of Islam over the life and society of its believers in Iraq.
Both submitted their dealings with each other to the verdict of the main institution of the international community.
An interim constitution was produced by negotiations between the Iraqi Governing Council and the Coali tion Provisional Authority.
One-quarter of the members of the National Assembly should be women, as well as declaring Islam the state's official religion and source of law, were provisions for democracy and human rights.
The Shiite majority wanted a minority veto on the future definitive constitution and it was confirmed that the assembly must be elected by early 2005.
The constitution met some wishes and denied others, including the occupying power.
Without the US troops and money, the country would collapse.
The United States was not the designer of the new Iraq, but the one player in a complex game that would determine the country's future.
This state of affairs was not what President Bush and his advisers had in mind when they decided to attack Iraq.
It didn't mean that their venture had failed.
It could also happen that the game in Iraq would end well.
Iraq might become a country where the values and social structures of Islam and those of the West would be carried on according to new rules, without either fundamentalist terrorism, brutal secular dictatorship, or the attempted exclusion of religious influence from democratic public life.
Iraq would serve as an example, not just to Islam, but also to the United States, to the West, and to the world as a whole.
It would show that global civilization must come about through negotiation and compromise, not only through conflict.
Local and national communities have had to deal with basic issues regarding their structure and values in the past.
There are many different answers to these questions within Western civilization, from democratic and oligarchic Greek city-states, to pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire, to nobles and peasants.
Since the fall of communism, the U.S. undertaking in Iraq has raised issues for the international community.
The answers to questions concerning the future of global civilization as a whole will be affected by the outcome of the undertaking.
The questions are suggested by the experience of the past.
Only the future can answer them.
On the eve of the break up of Yugoslavia, the mood is conveyed in B.
The Gulf War, the latest phases of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and all other aspects of recent Middle Eastern history are covered in W. L.
Huntington thinks of a long period of conflict between cultures and values of different types of civilization, and Fukuyama thinks of a rise of a harmonious global civilization.
The World History Resources Center at http://history.wadsworth.com/west_civ/ offers a variety of tools to help you succeed in this course.
A page number is displayed in italics.
There is no separate number for the text on the page.
The years of reign are shown in parentheses.
The years shown are for birth and death.
Important historical terms are marked by the index entries.
The text shown for that entry explains the meaning of each term.
Alexander III, the Great, exploited the ancient world in the age of exploration.
Bosnia was medieval, 295, modern, , Beijing,,,,, Turkish rule,,,,.
Capitalist class: early modern, 304, 312, 318; medieval, in Marxist thought, 241-243.
Donatello and David were from Israel and Judah.
The church in, 229; compact of, 211, 227-228; and the crusades, 275-279, decline, 291-292, Fugger, Jacob.
West, 622-622, 726-728, and postcommunist Judaea, 50 n. 2, 52, 158, 160.
Religion and culture of Judah, 50 n. 2, 51, 52.
Middle Ages: defined, 2,188, 144, and the middle class.
Writing, development of, 20-21, 28, 34-35, 85, 224.
PROLOGUE: WHAT IS WESTERN CIVILIZATION?
Part One: THE ANCIENT WORLD MIDDLE EASTERN AND MEDITERRANEAN CIVILIZATION CHAPTER 1 The Birth of Civilization in the Middle East OVERVIEW The Prehistoric Era The Earliest Cities: Mesopotamia Land of the Pharaohs: Egypt The First Universal Empires: Assyria and Persia The Jews and Monotheism (1200-330 B.C.) Recommended Reading CHAPTER 2 The Greek Beginnings of Western Civilization OVERVIEW The European Barbarians The Aegean Background The City-State Greek Religion The Founders of Western Philosophy Greek Literature Architecture and Sculpture The Decline of the Greek City-States Alexander the Great and the Wider Spread of Greek Culture Recommended Reading CHAPTER 3 The Roman Triumph and Fall OVERVIEW The Rise of Rome The Overthrow of the Republic The Imperial Foundations Approach to One World: Pax Romana Roman Character and Thought Roman Law Architecture and Engineering The End of Rome and the Beginning of Europe Recommended Reading CHAPTER 4 A Conquering New Faith: Christianity OVERVIEW Sources of Christianity The Life and Teachings of Jesus The Early Church and Its Expansion The Growth of Christian Organization and Doctrine The Worldly Victory of the Church Early Christian Monasticism Recommended Reading
Part Two: MEDIEVAL CIVILIZATION CHAPTER 5 The Creation of Europe: Political and Social Foundations OVERVIEW The Germanic Kingdoms of the West Byzantium and Its Neighbors The Book and Sword of Islam The Carolingians Europe Takes Shape Feudalism Manorialism The Rise of Trade and Towns Recommended Reading CHAPTER 6 The Flowering of Medieval Culture OVERVIEW The Medieval Church Christian Art Thought and Education Language and Literature West and East: The Crusades Recommended Reading
Part Three: THE REMAKING OF EUROPE CHAPTER 7 The Transformation and Expansion of Europe OVERVIEW Crises and Problems of the Late Middle Ages The New Economy The New Technology The New Politics The New Geography Recommended Reading CHAPTER 8 The Renaissance: Upsurge of Humanism OVERVIEW The Renaissance View of Human Nature The Revolution in Art Literature and Drama Recommended Reading CHAPTER 9 The Reformation: Division and Reform in the Church OVERVIEW Background of the Reformation The Revolt of Luther: "Justification by Faith" Calvin and the Elect: "Predestination" Henry VIII and the Church of England The Roman Catholic Response: Reform and Reaffirmation Art During the Reformation Religion, Politics, and War Recommended Reading
Part Four: THE RISE OF THE MODERN WEST CHAPTER 10 Absolute Monarchy, Science, and Enlightenment OVERVIEW The Rise of Absolutism The Scientific Revolution of the Seventeenth Century The Impact of Science on Philosophy: The Enlightenment The Rational Spirit in Literature and Art The Classical Age of Music Recommended Reading CHAPTER 11 The First Modern Revolutions OVERVIEW The English Revolution: Parliamentary Supremacy and the Bill of Rights The American Revolution and Constitution The French Revolution: "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" Recommended Reading CHAPTER 12 Conservatism, Liberalism and Nationalism OVERVIEW The Conservative Reaction The Romantic Spirit in Literature, Art, and Music The Spread of Liberal Democracy and Nationalism Recommended Reading CHAPTER 13 The Impact of the Machine OVERVIEW The Industrial Revolution The Business Corporation and Capitalist Expansion The Reaction of Labor and Government Urbanization and Standardization of Society The Development of Socialist Thought and Action The Accelerating Progress of Science Literature and Art in the Machine Age Recommended Reading
Part Five: THE WEST AND THE WORLD IN THE ERA OF GLOBAL CIVILIZATION CHAPTER 14 The West Divided: Imperialism, World War, and Competing World Orders OVERVIEW Imperialism and Europe's World Dominion The First World War and the Decline of Europe Communism in Russia Fascism in Italy and Germany Democratic Collectivism: Evolution of the Welfare States The Second World War and Its Consequences Recommended Reading CHAPTER 15 The West Reunited: The Cold War, Decolonization, and the End of Communism OVERVIEW The Bipolar World Order The Liquidation of Imperial Rule The Third World and the West: Resistance, Cooperation, and Islamic Fundamentalism Worldwide Problems of the 1980s End of the Postwar (Cold War) Era Recommended Reading CHAPTER 16 The Revolution in Western Culture OVERVIEW The Onrush of Science and Technology Reconstruction in Western Philosophy and Religion The Shifting Ways of Society Modernism in Literature and the Arts Recommended Reading CHAPTER 17 Western Civilization in the World of Today OVERVIEW The West and the Postcommunist World: The Ideal of an International Community The West in the 1990s: Continuing Partnership, Evolving Partners The Global Economy: "The West and the Rest" The Former "East": Trying to Join the West The Postcolonial World: The Limits of Western Leadership Between Protest and Affirmation: The Postmodern Outlook Postmodern Literature and Art September 11, the West, and the World Recommended Reading