Governments may make sure that these rules are followed.
Human rights violations can sometimes be moved by criticism of eignty, war against terrorism, or other goals.
There were disagreements over the role abuses in friendly governments.
The extent to of human rights in foreign policy is sometimes posed as a con which human rights concerns must be balanced against issues such as security, the maintenance of peace, and non interference.
Both approaches continue to preoccupy policymakers.
The issue denies the importance of human rights in the United States after the differences in priority and strategy.
States suspended normal legal protections and restrictions against rights in order to be able to exercise some influence over it in the treatment of military prisoners from the wars in future, or that other policy considerations must be weighed along Iraq and Afghanistan and in dealing with potential terrorists with those of human rights.
There are still problems with definition and there is no desire to bring pressure by isolating and condemning the exact nature of human rights.
There is a nation that violates international standards.
The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights had considerations, but they were secondary to opposing the spread of com to which 160 nations are signatories, and the United States was willing an outline for the future.
Some changes began to occur in Latin America.
He survived a coup in 2002 and threatened to move the country toward a more independent foreign policy by rejecting Washington's economic plans and joining forces with other opponents of U.S. policies.
By the year 2009, he had removed restrictions on his ability to do his job.
In other countries the military was sometimes troublesome, but a commitment to a more open political system in most of the region seemed firm.
The continuing pres ence of the United States is a backdrop to the political and economic story.
The United States became the main power in the hemisphere at the end of the 19th century with the Cuban-Spanish-American war and the building of the Panama Canal.
The United States displaced European nations as the leading investors in Latin America.
Private investments by American companies and entrepreneurs, as well as loans from the American government, were the main means of U.S. influence in South America.
By 1929, U.S. investments abroad had risen to more than $5 billion.
Cuba and Puerto Rico had direct U.S. involvement.
In the Caribbean and Central America, the face of U.S. power, economic interest, and disregard for the sovereignty of weaker neighbors was most apparent.
There were more than 30 military interventions to protect U.S. owned properties before 1933.
Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, and Cuba all had direct interventions by the U.S. troops.
Cold war considerations also affected U.S. policy after 1945 and after Castro's alliance with the Soviet union.
The forces are given a term.
Economic, political, strategic, and ideological were some of the grounds for these interventions.
There were dictatorships that were friendly to the United States.
Latin America's weakness in the face of foreign hero and symbol of resistance to U.S. America became a symbol of resistance.
When the trumpet sounded, everything on earth was prepared and distributed to various entities.
The actions of the United States changed after 1937.
After World War II, the U.S. preoccupation with con by Franklin D. roosevelt led to new strategies in Latin America.
They included with Latin America in 1933, intended participation in regional organizations, the support of governments that at least expressed democratic to halt direct intervention in Latin or anticommunist principles, the covert undermining of governments considered unfriendly to the U.S.
The policy was underpinned by the belief that economic development would eliminate the conditions that contributed to radical political solutions.
Despite good intentions 1961, the al iance had limited success and many Latin Americans thought that it benefited the elites rather than the poor.
Latin Americans and North Americans began to question radical political solutions because of its record, which they assumed was a problem of capital and resources and that only limited success would lead to social and economic improvement.
Jimmy Carter made a new initiative to deal with Latin America and to influence govern ments there to observe civil liberties.
A treaty was signed with Panama that gave control of the Panama Canal to that nation.
In 1979 he received the Sandanista rebels who had overthrown the dictator of Nicaragua and offered them financial aid.
Increased violence in Central America in the 1980s and the more conservative presidencies of Ronald Reagan and George H. Bush led the United States back to policies based on strategic, economic, and defense considerations.
After 2000, U.S. concerns with Latin America continued to focus on the issues of commerce, immigration, the drug trade, and political stability.
By 2003 almost 60 percent of U.S. aid to Latin America was pledged to military purposes because of the campaign against drugs.
Over 30 percent of the population of Latin America still falls below the poverty line, despite the fact that globalization increased national economic growth.
The tide of Latin American migration to the United States was caused by that fact.
About 35 percent of Hispanics in the United States are immigrants.
During the century, social and gender relations changed.
The region has already been challenged.
Discrimination on the basis of ethnicity continues despite the fact that national ideologies and actual practice are not the same.
It is still an insult to be called "Indian" in Latin America.
Although ethnic and cultural mixture characterizes many Latin American populations and makes Indian and African elements important features of national identity, relations with Indian populations often continue to be marked by exploitation and discrimination.
The role of women is slowly changing.
Women in Latin America continued to live with inequalities after World War I.
In 1929, Brazil and Cuba became the first countries in Latin America to allow women to vote.
The examples were not followed until the 1940s and 1950s.
The traditional associations of women with religion and the Catholic Church in Hispanic life made reformers and revolutionaries fear that women would become a conservative force in national politics.
This attitude and traditional male attitudes led to the continued exclusion of women from political life.
Women formed associations and clubs to push for issues of interest to them.
Change was brought about by feminist organizations, suffragists, and international pressures.
The senate in Argentina introduced 15 bills for female suffragists before the vote in 1945.
Conservative groups used the enfranchisement of women in the Dominican Republic and other countries to add more conservative voters in order to hold off political change.
Women realized that the ability to vote did not guarantee political rights or the ability to have their issues heard.
Women joined national political parties after achieving the vote because of traditional prejudice against women in public life.
The integration of women into national political programs was slow in some countries.
In a few cases, women played important roles in elections.
The earliest examples of women being integrated into the national labor force of Latin American nations came just before World War I.
The traditional roles of women as homemakers, mothers, and agricultural workers were expanded as women entered the industrial labor force.
Women made up 80% of the textile and clothing industry's workers in Argentina by 1911.
Women found that their salaries were often below those of comparable male workers and that their jobs, regardless of the skil levels demanded, were considered unskilled and thus less wel paid.
Women joined labor unions and organizations under these conditions.
There is more to the story of women in the labor force than just labor organizations.
Women working in the markets control a lot of small-scale commerce and have become more active politically.
Women have become an important part of the labor force in the service sectors.
Political and economic changes have made a difference in attitudes about women's roles.
In Cuba, where a Law of the Family guaranteed equal rights and responsibilities within the home, enforcement has been difficult.
The position of women in Latin America was close to that in Europe and North America by the mid 1990s.
By 2012 women held 25 percent of the ministerial posts in Latin American governments, and were elected to the presidency of their countries.
Latin America's intermediate position between industrialized and developing nations was reinforced by the comparative position of women.
The economic power of Asian and Latin American economies is emphasized by the President of Brazil.
The political process has seen an increase in the participation of women.
In 1950 the populations of North America and Latin America were 165 mil ion and 400 mil ion, respectively, but by 1985 North America's population was 265 mil ion, while Latin America's had grown to more than 400 mil ion.
The situation was caused by declining mortality and continuing high fertility.
Immigration to Latin America was the major trend of population movement at the beginning of the 20th century, but the region has experienced internal migration and the movement of people within the hemisphere.
The movement was fed by the flow of workers seeking jobs, the demands of capital for cheap labor, and the flight of political refugees.
During World War II, government programs to supply laborers were set up between the United States and Mexico, but these were always accompanied by extralegal migration.
In the 1960s, the extension of social welfare to migrant laborers began to address some of their problems.
The internationalization of the labor market was similar to the movement of workers from poorer countries to the stronger economies of West Germany and France.
In Latin America, industrialization depended on highly mechanized industry that did not create enough new jobs to meet the needs of the growing population.
There has been a lot of migration to the United States, but there have also been moves to other countries in Latin America.
5 million people migrated to Latin America and the Caribbean by the 1970s.
Politics has been an impulse for migration.
There are dangers in small open boats to reach the United States for Haitians fleeing political oppression.
One of the great political migrations of the century was caused by the Cuban revolution.
Almost 1 million Cubans left the island after the middle class fled socialism in 1959 and the flight of Cuban workers in the 1980s.
The flight of refugees has been caused by the revolutionary upheaval in Nicaragua, political violence in Central America, and poverty in Haiti.
International migration is only part of the story.
Some of these cities were large.
The rate of growth is the problem.
The capital city is no longer an urban economy.
Recent migrants lived in a marginal neighbor.
The social problems in the cities remain a major challenge as the rate of urban growth has slowed.
The percentage of people living in cities in Latin America is less than in Europe but more than in Asia and Africa.
The lack of employment in Latin American cities has kept rural migrants from becoming part of a laboring class with a strong identification with workers.
Those who succeed in getting industrial jobs join labor organizations that are linked to the government.
There is a separation between the chronical y underemployed urban lower class and the industrial labor force.
The ability of the working class to operate effectively in politics has been weakened by the rise of nationalism and populism in Latin America.
Despair and Hope Latin America is an amalgam of cultures and peoples trying to adjust to changing world realities.
The majority of Latin Americans are Catholic.
Hispanic traditions of family, gender relations, business, and social interaction help to determine responses to the modern world.
Latin American popular culture is still going strong.
African and Indian traditional crafts, images, and techniques are arranged in new ways.
Music is a part of popular culture.
The Argentine tango of the turn of the century began in the music halls of lower-class working people and became an international craze.
The Caribbean salsa has spread widely.
They are a part of world civilization.
The struggle for social justice, economic security, and political formulas in keeping with the cul tural and social realities of their nations has provided a dynamic tension that has produced tremen dous artistic achievements.
Latin American poets and novelists have gained a lot of attention.
The artistic accomplishments of the Mexican Revolution have already been noted.
The Modern Art Week in Sao Paulo was staged in 1922 to search for a national artistic expression that reflected Brazilian realities.
In Latin America, that theme preoccupied authors.
The realist novels of the 1930s revealed the exploitation of the poor, the peasantry, and the Indians.
The plight of the common folk provided a generation of authors with themes worthy of their effort.
Social and political criticism has remained a central feature of Latin American literature and art and has played an important role in the development of newer art forms such as film.
Latin American artists and intellectuals have sometimes followed other paths because of the inability to bring about social justice or influence politics.
A generation of authors used "magical realism" to create novels that mixed the political, historical, erotic, and fantastic because they found the reality of Latin America too absurd to be described by the traditional forms.
Throughout the world, it was won.
The liter boom of the 1960s has been followed by a subsequent generation of novels that have emphasized emotions and personal fulfillment and have sometimes mixed autobiog raphy with fiction as a way to bring the reality of Latin American life and politics.
Collective discontent solutions were available.
In many ways, Latin American societ and sometimes a strident rhetoric of opposition to U.S. policies were unrevolutionary but it also demonstrated that democratic politics were functioning changes because of deeply entrenched class interests.
Extreme inequalities of wealth were overcome by the struggle for change.
In 2007, Venezuela produced some important results.
Between 1900 and 2000 literacy president Chavez sought by referendum to broaden his presidential rates and life expectancy doubled in the region and the standard powers and hold the office for life, he was defeated.
After 1950, living improved in many countries.
The vote succeeded in 2008.
The Mexican and Cuban revolutions were brought about by a new political leadership.
The election of the first woman president of Chile in 2006 had a broad impact on the rest of the hemisphere, as well as the first president of a Native American tribe.
The background to be elected.
Cuba's ailing Castro was the inspiration for some of the countries that joined such as Chavez and Morales.
New forms of poli Brazil's Lula, a former factory worker, sought better trade relations.
Latin American concern for the region's place in the emerging out of the struggle to find a just and effective formula for change grew despite the differences among these new leaders.
Latin American authors and artists were a conscience for their cultural issues.
Latin Americans have participated in the sometimes bizarre reality that they observed, partly reflecting divi societies and receiving worldwide recognition for their depiction of sions in wealth and urbanism.
Latin America began to copy U.S. patterns in celebrating Hal oween pre most advanced part of the developing world.
Literacy levels easily surpassed those in most of Asia and Africa for an important traditional holiday focused on the forces of example.
Latin America is facing new chal enges in the age of globalization.
Interests seemed either alien or unobtainable because of the new world economy.
The spread of new and in the 1990s Latin American economies grew considerably, but religious movements, including fundamentalist Protestantism, this growth has made the problems of the distribution of wealth in signaled an attempt to provide alternatives to global culture.
Urban slum-dwellers cause other problems.
Americans in the north of Mexico are members of Protestant denominations.
Latin American filmmakers, artists, and popular musi ties have benefited from new trade opportunities with the United States.
Incorporat tion into the world economy often threatens traditional cultures as integra cians have contributed directly to global culture.
There are further readings on human rights on foreign policy.
There are many country-specific studies in America.
There is a variation of the "depent" when those rights are violated.
America was applied in other regions.
Those who urged her to be cautious did not listen to her.
The photograph of Indian Prime Minister Gandhi shows that she was in contact with the ordinary people of India.
She refused to be isolated by the phalanxes of bodyguards associated with national leaders because she was the champion of the poor and defenseless.
Sikh soldiers were on guard for several months as Indira Gandhi walked from her home to her office.
Two of her most trusted protectors opened fire at close range and shot her in the body as she approached the garden gate.
Thousands of people were killed in India's capital when anti-Sikh riots erupted after the assassination.
Rajiv was soon sworn in as her successor.
The world's largest democracy mourned the loss of the "mother of the nation" and a champion of the poor and powerless.
When Indira Gandhi became prime minister in January 1966 she was expected to be a dynamic leader with a vision of her own.
As the daughter of Jawaharlal Nehru, who was second only to Gandhi among those who fashioned the nationalist revolt and one of the most influential leaders of the early cold war decades, Indira Gandhi had close links to the powerful.
She was seen as a shy young woman who was content to be her father's helpmate by India's many time-tested and ambitious politicians.
The power brokers of the Congress party supported her as the successor to Lal Bahadur Shastri because she was someone they could control.
The prime minister died of a heart attack in the first days of 1966 after two years in office.
She made it clear that she was determined to pursue her own agenda for the benefit of India's peoples and extend the nation's influence in international affairs.
Even more than her famous father, she was a rousing speaker, able to inspire party loyalists and supporters as well as frustrate the ambitions of rival leaders within the Congress Party and the attacks of opposition politicians.
She oversaw the birth of Bangladesh, a nation that had formerly been part of Pakistan, and led India in the war against Pakistan.
Her nationalization policies and moves to restrict the powers of her adversaries in the legislature were seen by many as harmful to India's democracy.
The independence of the judiciary, multiparty competition and free elections that are hallmarks of India to the present day were preserved by Indira Gandhi in the face of a deeply divided country.
She dominated Indian politics from 1966 until her assassination in 1984.
The chapter focuses on the challenges faced by activist postcolonial leaders, such as Indira Gandhi, and the different strategies used to tackle them by different African and Asian leaders.
Prime Minister Gandhi sought to find ways to feed the people and improve the living standards of one of the most impoverished and populous nations on the planet.
She had to find a way to balance the demands of the U.S. and Soviet powers while maintaining India's nonaligned status in a world threatened by nuclear conflagration.
She spent a lot of her energy and political capital just holding the country together, like other leaders in the emerging nations, she had to deal with one of a number of highly inflammatory ethno-religious divisions.
Gandhi was like most postcolonial heads of state in the developing world in that she sought to centralize power in her own hands and at times used force to put down her political opponents.
She was violently removed from power because of the artificial and unstable political entities carved out of the Euro-American colonial empires.
The existence of virtually all of the new nations of the developing world was suppressed in the early decades of the 20th century.
Most of the peoples of Africa, the Middle East, market, and the underdeveloped and Asia won independence through nationalist movements.
At the time of independence, the Peasants and working-class townspeople of most colonial economies had little voice in politics beyond their village boundaries or local labor associations.
After independence, nationalist leaders promised jobs, civil rights, and equality to win the support of these groups.
The tribe's hold on the economy was brought to an end, and Life of the Gokuyu would be enough to give everyone a good life.
Post-independence realities in almost all of the new nations made it impossible for nationalist leaders to fulfill the expectations they had aroused among their followers and the colonized populace at large.
Even with the Europeans gone and the terms of economic exchange with more developed countries somewhat improved, there was simply not enough to go around.
The socialist-inspired ideologies that nationalist leaders promoted were misleading.
The problem was more than that goods and services were not evenly distributed.
Even if it was possible to distribute them equally, there wasn't enough resources to take care of everyone.
When utopia failed to happen, personal rivalries and long-standing divisions between different classes and ethnic or religious groups, which had been muted by the common struggle against the alien colonizers, resurfaced or intensified.
The European colonizers created arbitrary boundaries, sometimes combining hostile ethnic or religious groups.
The rivalries and differences became the dominant features of political life in almost all the new states.
In 1972 there were recurring problems of famine and pervasive independent nation, as well as malnutrition in parts of Asia and Africa.
Civil wars in many of the newly decolonized nations consumed resources that may have been devoted to economic development.
Measures designed to build more viable and prosperous states were blocked in the name of the defense of subnational interests.
Absorbed by the task of just holding their new nations together, politicians neglected problems such as soaring population increases, uncontrolled urban growth, rural landlessness, and environmental degradation that soon formed as large a threat as political instability to their young nations.
Once colonial constraints were removed, the nationalist leaders who led the colonized peoples of Africa and Asia would promote rapid economic development.
In keeping with their Western-educated background, most of these leaders saw their nations following the path of industrialization that brought prosperity and power to western Europe and the United States.
Representatives of the Soviet bloc emphasized heavy industry in their state- directed drives to modernize their economies and societies.
The most formidable and persistent barriers to the rapid economic break through were the popu lation increases that often overwhelmed whatever economic advances the peoples of the new nations managed to make.
Even before the era of high colonialism, factors making for sustained population increases in already densely populated areas of Asia and Africa had begun to take effect.
Population growth in China, India, and Java was caused by food crops from the New World.
Despite the heavy losses from the slave trade, they helped sustain high levels of population in areas such as the Niger delta in West Africa.
These upward trends were reinforced by the coming of colonial rule.
Local warfare had caused population losses and indirectly promoted the spread of epidemic diseases.
The new railroad and steamship links established by the colonizers cut down on the regional famines that had been a major check against population increase since ancient times.
Large amounts of food could be shipped from areas where harvests were good to areas where the locals were in dire need of food.
Growth began to speed up after war and famine.
The overlap between the boundaries drawn by the european imperialist powers and the postcolonial nations that emerged after 1945 can be seen in a comparison of this map with Map 29.4 on page 673.
Birth rates remained the same, leading to larger net increases.
The rise of hygiene and medical treatment began in the early 20th century.
Efforts to eradicate tropical diseases, as well as global scourges such as smallpox, and to improve sewage systems and purify drinking water have led to further population increases.
In societies where population was increasing at unprecedented levels, nearly all leaders of the emerging nations headed them.
In the early years of independence, this increase continued.
In Asia, it has begun to level off.
Population growth is very high in most of Africa.
In south Asia, moderate growth rates have produced huge total popula tions because they were adding to an already large base.
South Asia's population of more than 600 mil ion was predicted to double by the year 2000.
The prophecy has been fulfilled with more than 1bilion people in India alone.
In Africa, which began with low population levels relative to its large land area, very high birth rates and diminished mortality rates have resulted in steep population increases in recent decades.
According to some population experts, by the mid 21st century Nigeria will have the same population as China.
Estimates for population increases in Africa may have to be revised downward because of the AIDS epidemic that has spread through much of central and eastern Africa since the 1980s.
Recent measures of African productivity and per capita incomes suggest that even more moderate increases in population may be difficult to support at reasonable living standards.
The 400 million people of Africa are supported by a continental economy with a productive capacity equal to just 6 percent of the United States, or roughly the same as the state of Illinois.
The conquest of war, disease, and famine was one of the great achievements of European colonial regimes.
It was an accomplishment that officials never stopped citing in defense of continued European dominance.
The population boom of the 19th and early 20th century was not available to the new nations.
They didn't have the technology to make the necessities of life for more and more people, as well as the factories to make them.
The emerging nations found it hard to get food and mineral resources from the rest of the world.
These were the things the colonized peoples were set up to sell to the industrialized nations.
In India, where impressive advances in industrialization were made in the postcolonial era, gains in productivity were swallowed up by the population explosion.
There is resistance to birth control efforts in most African and Asian countries.
Some of the resistance is linked to entrenched social patterns.
Procreation is seen as a sign of male fertility in many societies.
The capacity to bear children is important to the social standing of women.
In some cases, resistance to birth control is linked to cultural norms.
Hindus believe that a dead man's soul cannot begin the rebirth process until his son performs a special ceremony over his funeral pyre.
This belief increases the pressure on Indian women to have children, and encourages families to have several sons to ensure that at least one survives the father.
The patrilineal family line requires sons to perform burial and ancestral rites.
Girls are highly valued in African societies because of the key roles played by women in agricultural production and marketing.
In Asian societies, high dowries and occupational restrictions limit their contribution to family welfare.
famine has been a constant since independence.
In sub-Saharan Africa, 10 or 12 deaths of 15 or 16 children conceived was not formerly colonized world.
The belief that it was necessary to conflicts rather than natural disasters was fostered by the high photographed in the late 1960s.
In societies where welfare systems and old-age pensions were meager or unknown, surviving children took on special importance because they were the only ones who would care for parents who could no longer work for themselves.
When medical advances have reduced infant mortality, the persistence of these attitudes has been a major factor in population growth.
African and Asian leaders were against state measures to promote family planning and birth control.
Some people saw these as Western attempts to control their internal affairs, while others thought the socialist societies they were building would take care of the additional population.
As it has become clear that excessive population increase makes economic advances impossible, many leaders have begun to rethink their attitudes towards birth control.
In many developing countries, a high percentage of the population is under the age of 15 and thus dependent on others for support, which is a cause for alarm.
The obstacles are staggering for those who want to promote family planning.