These were supposed to be inspired by Blanc's ideas, but in practice they became little more than makework unemployment relief.
In the past monarchs have taken similar measures during times of economic crisis.
The national workshops became a serious drain on the economy and a source of resentment for taxpayers after they were established on a larger scale.
The elections to the assembly on the basis of universal male suffragist revealed how weak the support for the left was outside of Paris.
There were no radical republicans or socialists in the executive body that was appointed by the new assembly.
The abolition of the death penalty and the end of slavery in the colonies were some of the important liberal reforms that the new republic introduced.
In Paris there was a series of confrontations between those who believed in a social republic and those who did not.
The property-owning part of the population became more concerned about the designs of the poor on pocket books and the property of taxpayers.
The declaration of martial law was made after the alarm became panic, and there was street fighting between workers and the regular army.
In the poorer districts of Paris, there was a labyrinth of barricades that had been erected by both sides.
The death toll rose to over 10,000, with 11,000 prisoners deported to distant penal colonies.
The events in Paris were watched by the rest of Europe.
The defeat of the Chartists in Britain was reported in the newspapers.
The revolutions that spread across the Continent in March had a lot of local quirks.
The trend was similar, with a rapid shift from euphoria to fear followed by a conservative rebound.
Many moderates who had initially supported the revolutionaries turned to the conservatives out of fear of the unpredictable genie of revolution, because the early enthusiasms and projects to aid the poor tended to provoke determined resistance from the propertied.
The "terrible misunderstandings" in these areas had more to do with the competing and incompatible nationalist ambitions within their populations.
The dramatic initial developments in some of the capital cities in March, especially Vienna and Berlin, served as inspiration, comparable to Paris to some degree in providing national focus to revolutionary activity, but there were a great many other focal points.
Issues of foreign rule sparked the first revolutionary uprisings of the year in January, in the Italian states.
The events in France in February helped others, but the collapse of authority throughout central Europe in the spring of 1848 was not an imitation of the French model.
Aspirations of different types were encouraged.
The second most populous state in Europe was the multinational Empire.
Revolution had different implications depending on whether it broke out in the empire's western or eastern areas.
In the west, revolutionaries looked to refining an already developed liberalism to benefit an educated, relatively affluent urban population.
In the east, liberalism was more about freeing serfs in areas where most of the population was poor.
The invasion of the royal palace in the second week of March was so shocking that Metternich resigned and fled the country.
The March Laws were passed by the long restive Magyars in their Diet.
There were challenges to Habsburg rule in other parts of the empire.
The Austrian military garrison was driven out of Milan, the largest city of northern Italy and capital of Lombardy.
A republic was proclaimed in Venice.
Rioting in Berlin prompted the king of Prussia to promise a constitution.
By the end of the month, the leaders of the smaller German states, facing similar unrest, had agreed to call an assembly that would represent all German states, with the understanding that a more centralized and unified state form would emerge.
The assembly was formed on the basis of a democratic vote and met in May of 1848.
The hopes of German nationalists for about a year came to symbolize the failures of German liberalism.
The king of Piedmont-Sardinia, the major independent state in the north of Italy, ordered an invasion of Lombardy, hoping to increase his holdings and create a powerful northern Italian state.
He was alarmed by the fact that troops from Tuscany, as far south as Naples, began to march to the north to help drive out the Austrians.
The men were united by vague visions of a unified Italy, but there was little consensus about the form a unified Italian state would assume.
Despite Italy's clear natural frontiers, most Italians north of Rome had little enthusiasm for an immediate union with the backward areas south of Rome.
Local and regional fidelities in Italy remained strong into the twentieth century.
The March uprisings are considered to be the most widespread wave of revolution in European history.
Socialists, radicals, and moderate republicans differed on too many fundamental points to work effectively together in France.
Most of them did not have political experience.
They couldn't assemble a reliable military power.
In France and the rest of Europe, the left did not enjoy broad or reliable popular support.
There was no match for trained and disciplined troops in the initial surge of support.
In the rest of the Continent, the left was more divided and inexperienced than it was in Paris.
In France, its moderate elements became alarmed by the agenda of the more radical ones, and the various revolutionary groups, liberal, socialist, or nationalist, proved unsympathetic to each other's agendas.
Middle-class, educated, and respectable people were not willing to risk their lives on the barricades during the early stages of the revolution in central Europe and northern Italy.
In the regular armies, the officers were mostly of noble origin and the common soldiers from the countryside; neither had much enthusiasm for (or understanding of) leftist programs, and for many ordinary soldiers the leftists were simply the Devil's spawn.
After their initial surprise and alarm in early 1848, conservative leaders found that all they needed to do was wait, letting the divisions of the left grow, and then call in the regular army.
It was not easy in every area, and revolutionary hopes continued to burn bright for a year or so in a few.
Piedmont-Sardinia and the other Italian states that had risen up against Austrian rule were finally defeated by the Habsburg armies.
The initial revolutionary model of the republic was destroyed in June 1849 by troops sent from France, not by Papal or Austrian forces, but by the new authoritarian, antirevolutionary leader, Louis Napoleon III.
The "errors" were nationalism and liberalism, but they mostly encompassed modern trends in general.
The longest-reigning pope in modern history was the reactionary Pius.
After successfully fighting off Habsburg forces, the revolutionary nationalists were crushed in August of 1849.
The reactionary Russian tsar wanted no revolutionaries on his borders and at any rate received appeals for help from the Habsburg emperor, who had committed themselves to offer mutual assistance in case there arose a danger to peace.
The defeat for liberal nationalism was the same in many small German states as it was in Hungary, Prague, Rome, or Venice.
Prussia had a left-wing assembly that supported Polish national ambitions in the neighboring areas of Russia and Austria, despite the disapproval of the king and the nobility.
The Frankfurt Assembly 90 LIBERAL STRUGGLES, VICTORIES, DILEMMAS, DEFEATS distanced itself from the more radical Prussian assembly.
The delegates applauded when the military of Prussia came to the aid of German-speakers in Posen.
When the Habsburg forces crushed the Czech revolutionaries in Prague, the Assembly approved.
The relationship of Prussia to the Assembly is heavy with symbolism.
During its first full year, the Assembly debated many issues, but decided on a unified Germany that would exclude the German speakers of Habsburg lands.
The crown of the new state was offered to the king of Prussia, Frederick William IV.
Prussia was the largest of the German states, aside from Austria.
The military of the country of Prussia was also considered.
The assembly was obliged to appeal to the king to send in his army to put down the uprising because it had no armed forces of its own.
Most of the members of the Assembly admitted defeat and went home.
The people were easily put down by the radical activists who tried to rally them.
In terms of Maoist, power comes from the point of a gun.
The conclusion was that revolutionaries needed to get their act together and realize that student idealists, lawyers, and intellectuals are not enough to make a revolution.
Conservatives who don't lose their cool and have a reliable army can be difficult to oust from power.
has been the classic account of the Irish Potato Famine.
There are many essays in R.J.W.
is an older biography that explores both the life and times of Pope Pius IX.