Ethnic and national identities have become more potent forms of identification.
Over the same time period, levels of national pride have risen in many states.
In many postcommunist countries, both leaders and publics have sought to instill national pride and revive the values of symbols and ideas that bind people together.
There is a different scope of this task among the postcommunist countries.
A clear sense of ethnic and national identity has existed for many generations in Eastern Europe.
Many of the social structures were reinforced as a form of resistance to communism despite the communist rule.
CHAPTER NINE # COMMUNISM AND POSTCOMMUNISM has historically been weaker across the diverse ethnic groups of the former Soviet Union national identity.
Many of these peoples have more limited historical institutions to draw on, and their identities rely on institutionalizing new symbols and myths.
All of them can be a double-edged sword.
Although they can help mobilize the public and provide stability in times of transition, religious, ethnic, and national identities can also generate division and conflict.
This is especially true when there are multiple identities in one country.
The conflict between ethnic Chinese and the Muslim Uighur minority in western China is an example of such a conflict.
Changes in social identities can affect gender rela tions as well.
The communist theory advanced the idea of gender equality.
Women were included into the workforce and provided with social benefits, which resulted in new opportunities for them.
Many of the policies and institutions have been challenged since the end of communism.
Many communist- era practices, such as easy access to abortions, have been attacked by critics while economic reforms have cut back on the social safety net.
Women's roles in society have been challenged by the reemergence of religion.
According to authoritarianism, women's primary role in society is to be the mothers of the nation.
There is a question of gender identity.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans people were seen as either a psychological disorder or a result of capitalism's focus on hedonism and individualism under communism.
The decline of communism allowed these identities to enter the public sphere.
Some religious institutions and nationalists view the LGBT community as a threat to the country's moral health.
Political and economic change are just as important as societal transformation in the postcommunist countries.
The resurgence of national and religious identities has been a source of destabilization in these countries.
There is a lot of evidence to support this view.
The dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s resulted in more than 200,000 deaths in Eastern Europe.
Several hundred thousand people died when the Soviet Union collapsed as a result of religious and ethnic conflicts.
Postcommunist identities have shaped international terrorism.
In 1979 the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in order to prop up a communist regime on the verge of collapse, and this led to a guerrilla movement that drew in support and recruits from around the world, including the Saudi Osama bin Laden, who would find Al Qaeda.
Islamic fundamentalist views would spread around the world in Afghanistan.
Syria and Iraq have become magnets for fighters from Russia and Central Asia.
Some of the strongest supporters of the Islamic State of Iraq and al- Sham are young Muslims from countries of the former Soviet Union.
As ideological legitimacy has waned, we see attempts to promote nationalism as a means to legitimize authoritarian rule.
In Russia and China, political leaders stress the unique nature of their societies, which are under threat by outside forces.
Ethnic and national conflict can be caused by this.
We should not say that the legacy of communism is conflict.
Ethnic and nationalist violence waned after 1989.
Even though surveys show the importance of religion and nationalism, it doesn't mean a greater propensity for conflict.
According to the World Values Survey, publics are less willing to fight for their country now than they were 25 years ago.
In countries like China and Russia, nationalist values have been a part of the legitimacy of the regime.
In 1989-93, over 90 percent of Chinese said they were willing to fight for their country.
In Russia, the willingness to fight declined.
This is consistent with the responses across the developed democracies.
The gender relations in postcommunist countries are interesting.
The standard of living and differences between genders are measured by the UN.
The UN's Gender Inequality Index measures inequality between women and men in three areas: health, empowerment and labor.
The Gender Inequality Index is a measure of inequality in health, education, and participation in the workforce.
The countries are ranked from 1 to 188.
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