Younger adults do not perform as well on vocabulary and knowledge tests as older adults.
Crystallized intelligence, our accumulated knowledge and experience, tends to stay the same or increase with age.
Define old age in different ways.
Humans are social beings.
Our work lives, school lives, romantic lives, and family lives all involve interacting with others.
It's not surprising that our relationships change as we get older.
Babies prefer to look at nine months of age faces.
Babies show a preference for their mother's face as early as four days after birth.
Babies' interest in others is a good thing because people like basic emotional style that appears their parents are valuable sources of information and provide the love and support they need to flourish.
In the first six or seven months, infants become more socially engaged.
The same infant who was giggling on the floor with a perfect stranger at six months may scream in terror if they meet that same stranger a few months later.
It increases in size.
There is a decline between 12 and 15 months of age.
The emergence of temperament can be distinguished from other personality characteristics because it appears to be largely genetically influenced, although there is some evidence that maternal stress levels during pregnancy may also impact infant temperament.
Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess had explanations for the findings of their studies of American children.
35 percent of children don't fit in any of the categories.
The temperament is stable across infancy.
About 10 percent of children are ents and caregivers interact with their infants.
The behavior of parents and caregivers shapes the temperament of infants.
This shows the concept of nature being able to shape between things.
How cute babies are can be influenced by temperament.
Like "scaredy cats," who crawl 70% under the nearest bed at the sight of a new person or moving object, behaviorally inhibited human infants become frightened at the sight of novel or unexpected stimuli.
10% hearts pound, their bodies tense up, and their amygdalae becomes active.
The 20% amygdala plays a key role in processing fear and this last finding makes sense.
According to his colleagues, we are the source.
Children with high levels of behavioral inhibition are at increased risk for shyness and anxiety disorders.
Behavioral inhibition is not all bad.
Behavioral inhibition can still be influenced by environmental factors.
Children who are behaviorally inhibited are more likely to adapt to this social environment in daycare settings.
There are cultural differences in temperament in newborns.
Chinese American and European American four-day-old infants reacted differently when researchers put a cloth over their faces.
Chinese American infants were much calmer than European American infants.
The findings suggest that there are genetic differences across ethnicities.
There are several different explanations.
The infant's environment could be changed by having an important alternative.
The mothers of different cultures may have different patterns of hormone release during their pregnancies.
There may be a good evolution share with those that we feel have a reason for the attachment bond.
We need to start with the story of an Austrian zoologist and his birds.
Konrad Lorenz won a Nobel Prize in the 1930s for observing the behaviors of geese.
Goslings seem to follow around the first large moving object they see after hatching, which, in 99 percent or more of cases, turns out to be Mother Goose.
Once a gosling has imprinted on something, it becomes fixated on it and is unlikely to follow or bond with anything else.
Large white bouncing balls, boxes on wheels, and even Lorenz himself will be imprinted on by the Goslings.
We don't bond automatically to the first thing we see, like geese do.
Konrad malian infants exhibit a softer form of imprinting in which they forge strong bonds with those who care for them.
The critical period was about 36 hours.
If the goslings didn't see their mothers until after the window closed, they never imprinted on her or anything else.
Lorenz reported that critical periods end abruptly.
That's true of intelligent mammals like cats, dogs, and humans, who are more flexible than geese.
The question is controversial and early separation from attachment figures may have negative effects on psychological adjustment.
A longitudinal study of infants adopted from orphanages is one of the best evidence for this possibility.
In the 70s and 80s, all forms of birth control were banned in Romania, which resulted in a lot of babies with their parents unable to support them.
There were so many infants that the orphanages were overwhelmed.
Babies were often left in their cribs all day and night because these orphanages offered little social interaction or emotional care.
When thousands of these infants were adopted by families in the United States and England, they had no chance to develop bonds with adult caretakers.
There was a unique opportunity to study and test the predictions of John Bowlby's Attachment Theory.
Bowlby was interested in how young children were affected by early separation from their parents.
Thousands of London families decided to send their children to the countryside because of the frequent bombing of London by Germany.
The situation in Romania led to more opportunities to investigate how children were affected by the lack of attachment figures, as well as the sensitive period during which attachment figures appear to be especially important.
The results were consistent with Bowlby's.
Babies from the orphanages that were adopted before six months of age did well later, but those that were older than six months did not fare well.
There have been more emotional difficulties for the findings to begin with.
Different methodologies are used for replicability studies.
Can the results be duplicated in Contact Comfort: The Healing Touch?
The primary basis for the attachment bond was assumed to be survival.
Babies were separated from their mothers a few hours after birth.
They were put in a cage with two "surrogate" mothers.
The wire mother had a mangled mesh of metal wires.
The wire mother had one thing going for her.
The baby monkey was able to drink from her bottle of milk.
The second mother, the "terry cloth mother," had a round face and was made of foam rubber and heated with a light bulb.
Harlow found that baby monkeys spent more time with terry cloth mothers than wire mothers.
When frightened by a novel object, Harlow's infant were more likely to run to the terry cloth mother and monkeys preferred the terry cloth mother to cling to.
Harlow called this phenomenon over the wire mother.
Contact is based on comfort.
The physical setup of the strange situation is encouraged in maternity wards and birthing centers to help babies.
The child's attention alone is not enough to determine the child's attachment style.
Different children have different ways of attaching to their parents.
Some are affectionate, some are clingy, and some seem angry with their parents.
The Strange Situation is a laboratory procedure designed to evaluate attachment style by observing one-year-olds' reactions to being separated from and then reassembled with their mothers.
The strange situation begins when the mother and infant are placed in a room filled with toys that the infant is free to explore.
Researchers classify infants' attachment relationships into four categories based on the behavior of the infant.
The infant explores the room but checks to make sure mom is watching, returns to mom when the stranger enters, reacts to mom's departure by becoming upset, but greets her return with joy.
The infant ignores the entry of the stranger, shows no distress at mom's departure, and displays little reaction upon her return.
The infant does not explore the toys without mom's assistance, shows distress when the stranger enters, reacts to mom's departure with panic, and tries to get away after she picks him or her up.
The attachment styles that weren't included in the original classification were added later by Mary Main and her colleagues.
They may appear confused when they are with their mom.
We wrote "U.S. infants" in parentheses.
There are cultural differences in attachment style.
Japanese babies experience fewer separations from their mothers in everyday life than do American babies.
The Strange Situation may be more difficult for Japanese babies than it is for American babies.
Children's behavior is predicted by the attachment styles derived from the Strange Situation.
Babies with secure attachment styles tend to grow up to be more well-adjusted and helpful than babies with other attachment styles.
Babies with an anxious attachment style are more likely to be disliked by their peers later in life than babies with other attachment styles.
Babies can form bonds with both their mothers and fathers and with siblings, grandparents, and other caregivers.
Their attachment style doesn't correlate with their attachment style with other caregivers.
Developing an attachment to one adult figure in the infant's life doesn't undermine the ability to form other attachments.
It is possible for infants placed in daycare to establish secure attachment relationships with their caretakers.
The quality of attachment to daycare workers depends on a number of factors.
In two parent households, infants show a strong preference for the mother that leaves around 18 months after birth.
The Strange Situation is used by attachment researchers to measure attachment styles.
Although this makes it easier to compare results across studies and individuals, relying on a single measure over and over again has its limitations.
Attachment bonds involve many more scenarios than just reactions to novel experiences, and the Strange Situation is simply one indicator of attachment.
Alternative measures of attachment, such as interviews in adulthood designed to assess bonding to one's parents, are being developed to address this concern.
We'll recall reliability.
Babies who are securely attached at 12 months should also be securely attached at 14 months.
Many infants change their attachment classifications over a short period of time.
When the family environment stays the same, attachment styles remain consistent.
If parents change their job status, their children's attachment style can change as well (Bruer, 1999; Thompson, 1998).
Most attachment theorists think that the attachment styles of infants are due to their parents' responsiveness.
Babies whose parents respond to distress by comforting them are more likely to develop a secure attachment style.
The causeeffect arrow runs from parent to child for most attachment theorists.
Some psychologists argue that the causality arrow is reversed and that children's temperament influences their attachment styles.
Babies with certain temperaments may get some attachment behaviors from their parents.
Irritated infants may cause their parents to be frustrated, which in turn makes them even more irritated.
The influence may result in an attachment style.
It is possible that temperament is a third variable that influences both parenting practices and attachment styles.
Over the past century, self- proclaimed parenting experts have bombarded nervous mothers and fathers with conflicting advice about how to raise their children.
Some parenting advice seems to be at odds with psychological research.
Even though there is not much evidence that physical punishment is effective for promoting long-term behavioral change, some parenting experts still advocate spanking children.
The publication of two books about cultural differences in parenting approaches renewed interest in this topic.
Many Chinese and Chinese Americans believe that children's primary goal should be to strive to excel, which is why Amy Chua advocates the "Tiger Mother" approach.
Fun doesn't enter into the equation in this approach.
French children are better behaved than U.S. children because of their French culture, according to Pamela Druckerman.
Although they are loving and nurturing, they are a family setting and they expect their children to find child is the center of attention in ways to entertain themselves.
Parents in France expect their children to be less child focused.
Diana Baumrind's work may be of interest to many American parents.
Permissive parents tend to allow their children a lot of freedom inside and outside the household.
They don't use a lot of discipline, but they shower their children with affection.
itarian parents tend to be strict with their children, giving them little opportunity for free play or exploration and punishing them when they don't respond appropriately to their demands They don't show much affection to their children.
Both the permissive and authoritarian worlds have the best features ofitative parents.
They set clear and firm limits on their support of their children.
"Too soft," "too hard," and "just right" are some of the styles that some authors refer to.
Parents who neglect their children pay little attention to either their positive or negative behaviors.
Children with uninvolved parents tend to fare worse than children with authoritarian parents.
The findings seem to suggest that parents should raise their children authoritatively.
Baumrind's findings don't allow us to draw Correlation vs Causation cause-and-effect inferences.
The correlations that Baumrind reported could be genetic.
Research shows that the fussiness of children in infancy predicts whether parents will engage in physical punishment such as spanking, raising the possibility that child temperament may influence parenting style.
Baumrind's conclusions may not hold up well outside middle-class Caucasian-American families.
Individualist cultures place a high premium on achievement and independence, whereas collectivist cultures place a high premium on group harmony.
According to some data, authoritarian parenting is associated with better outcomes in collectivist societies than in individualist societies.
There is variability in what seems most effective in individualist cultures.
A hybrid parenting approach, one that includes harsh punishments alongside a warm emotional bond, is tied to better outcomes for African American families than other parenting styles.
It is possible that Baumrind's categories do not reliably differentiate parenting styles outside of her original study population.
In collectivist cultures, parents' behaviors influence their children's behavior.
The majority of the research shows that the stakes for specific authority are not as high as experts had thought.
Parents don't have to worry about environment that provides children everything they do or every word they say.
Children's social development can suffer if parenting falls below the average expectable environment.
When children enter the world with a strong genetic predisposition toward aggressiveness, parenting quality matters.
When children are genetically prone to high levels of impulsivity and violent behavior, parents probably need to exert especially firm and consistent discipline.
The effects of genes can interact with the environment.
The primary environmental influences on children's behaviors have historically been emphasized by theories of child development.
Harris made a controversial claim in 1995 that peers play an even more important role than parents in children's social development.
She said that most environmental transmission is horizontal, rather than vertical.
Harris's model suggests that parents may not be as involved in children's development as previously thought.
Twins who share many of the same peers are more similar in personality than are twins who share only a few of the same peers, raising questions about Harris's claims.
Father and mother interact with their children in different ways.
First, fathers and infants show less affection than mothers and their babies.
In households in which both mothers and fathers are at home, fathers spend less time with their babies than mothers do.
When fathers interact with their children, they spend more time with them than mothers do.
Both boys and girls prefer their fathers over their mothers.
Father's influence on children's psychological well-being and adjustment is important despite the differences between mothers and fathers.
Children benefit from warm, close relationships with their fathers regardless of how much time they spend with him.
Many children grow up in single-parent households or have same-sex parents, which is why child development research has been done on them.
The demise of the traditional American family and the need to protect traditional family values have been discussed by politicians and the media.
It's not clear how single-parenthood will affect children.
Children from single-parent families have more behavior problems, such as aggression and impulsivity, and are at significantly higher risk for crime, compared to children from two-parent families.
Correlation and Causation data are only correlational, so we can't draw conclusions from them.
Compared to married mothers, single mothers tend to be poorer, less educated, and marked by higher levels of life stress.
It's difficult for children to form stable social bonds with peers when their mothers move more often.
Research on widowed mothers supports the idea that other variables explain child adjustment in single-parent households other than the absence of a second parent.
Children from two-parent households have higher rates of emotional or behavioral problems than do children from single-parent households.
Being raised by a single mom doesn't necessarily doom children to later behavior problems, because many single mothers do a good job of raising their children.
A surprisingly small proportion of families fit the stereotype of a family with a husband, a wife, and several children.
Single-parent families, same-sex parents, unmarried co-parents, blended families following a second marriage, and childless couples are far more common than most people think.
Human Development 393 was raised by single mothers.
Some single parents have children with more behavioral problems than other parents.
Same-sex parents have an impact on children's development.
Children raised by same-sex couples do not differ from children raised by oppositesex couples in academic performance, sexual orientation, or social adjustment outcomes.
Some researchers argue that many of these studies are biased and could lead to inflated measures of well-being relative to children of same-sex parents in the general population.
It is important for most children to have two parents who are primary caregivers and a secondary attachment figure who is rough-and-tumble in traditional families.
The popular psychology tells us that divorce can have a serious emotional toll on children.
This belief was reinforced by the results of a 25-year study of 60 families by Judith Wallerstein, who reported that the negative effects of divorce were enduring: Many years later, the children of divorced parents had difficulties establishing career goals and stable romantic relationships.
We can't tell whether the outcomes she observed were a consequence of divorce or not because she didn't include a control group of families in which one or both parents had Ruling Out Rival Hypotheses separated from their children.
The effects of divorce seem to depend on a variety of factors, including the severity of conflict between parents before the divorce.
In the latter case, children find divorce to be a relief from their parents' arguments.
Children's well-being is predicted by the education level of the parents.
Children with more educated fathers handle divorce worse than children with less educated fathers.
The most likely explanation for children with educated moms being better off is that the family has more resources and therefore more stability after a divorce.
It's not clear why educated fathers end up with worse outcomes.
The effects of divorce on children were studied by a group of researchers.
The design gives an elegant control for genetic effects because the twins are genetically identical and their offspring share 50 percent of their genes.
The children of identical twins who'd divorced had higher levels of depression and substance abuse, as well as poorer school performance, than did the children of identical twins who hadn't divorced.
Although the findings don't rule out the possibility that parental conflict Ruling Out Rival Hypotheses prior to and during the divorce, rather than divorce itself, accounts for the differences, they do suggest that divorce can exert negative effects on some children.
Sometimes we have to put our desires on the back burner until we fulfill our obligations, such as putting off going to see a movie we're excited about until we've finished an important assignment.
Some children are better at delaying gratification than others.
Children's ability to delay gratification is a good indicator of later social adjustment.
The experimenters left a child alone in a room with a small reward and a bell to study delay of gratification.
The child is told that if she can wait 15 minutes, she can get a bigger reward.
She can summon the experimenter if she can wait that long.
It predicts teenagers' SAT scores and the likelihood of being male or female of being overweight as adults.
The Correlation and Causation findings do not prove that self-control causes these outcomes.
Our identity and understanding of ourselves as social beings is dependent on whether we consider ourselves male or female.
Recent news stories and political debates have shown that male/female distinctions aren't always straightforward.
The psychological characteristics include behaviors, thoughts, emotions, and sense of self associated with being male or female.
We don't always adhere to stereotypical gender behavior.
If people want to receive a bigger reward for violating traditional rules, there are differing degrees of tolerance across society.
When biological sex and gender identity collide is a teenage activist's experience.
Less than half of the population has a gender personality that is similar to that of a trans person.
From a young age, people with a gender identity that is at odds with their sex tend to have an awareness of gender as a concept.
Children as young as five years of age reported thinking about gender in ways that were indiscriminable from children of the same age.
In other words, cisgender girls think about gender in the same way as trans girls do, and trans boys are indistinguishable from cisgender boys in their thinking about gender.
We now know that children who have their families and school settings support their gender identities are more likely to have high levels of depression and anxiety.
The issue of which public restroom to use for trans people has been in the news recently.
It is argued that it is just as awkward for a trans person to use the opposite gender restroom as it is for a cis person.
Human Development 395 creates opportunities for abuse, such as a man who claims to have a female identity in order to be abused.
A federal civil rights law suit was announced against the state.
A misconception is that gender differences don't emerge until socializing influences such as parenting practices have the chance to act on children.
This explanation is unlikely because of some gender differences in early infancy.
Even if they've only been exposed to gender-neutral toys or have equal access to toys associated with both genders, boys and girls prefer to play with different types of toys.
Babies as young as three months prefer gender-consistent toys.
Remarkably, investigators have observed these preferences in nonhuman primate.
When placed in cages with toys, boy monkeys prefer trucks and balls, while girl monkeys prefer dolls and pots.
The finding suggests that toy preferences may be related to differences in biology.
Boys and girls hang out with other boys and girls as early as three years old.
rhesus monkeys between 6 and 12 months of age are segregating by sex, raising the possibility that this phenomenon has biological roots.
Nature is almost always shaped or amplified by nurture, such as the reinforcing influences of parents, teachers, and peers.
According to research, parents tend to encourage children to engage in gender stereotyped behaviors, such as achievement and independence among boys.
The stereotypes are more likely to be enforced by fathers than mothers.
Adults watched a video of a baby reacting to several emotionally arousing stimuli, like a jack-in-the-box popping open suddenly, as a demonstration of how social environment and social expectations can influence how gender stereotypes are reinforced.
The researchers told half the adults that the baby was a boy and the other half that it was a girl.
The study was a true experiment because the investigators randomly assigned the adults to two conditions.
Observers' beliefs about the baby's reactions differed depending on their beliefs about the baby's gender.
The startled reaction to the jack-inthe-box was rated as reflecting anger by adults who thought the infant was named David, while the startled reaction to the jack-inthe-box was rated as reflecting fear by adults who thought the infant was named Dana.
Even a small difference in interpretation of a reaction could lead to parents interacting differently with boys and girls.
Teachers respond to boys and girls according to their gender stereotypes.
The teachers give boys more attention when they exhibit aggression and girls more attention when they exhibit dependency or needy behaviors.
When boys and girls are equally assertive and verbal, teachers tend to give more attention to assertive boys and girls.
One of the most traumatic times in development is adolescence, and it's a time of dramatic changes in body, brain, and social activities.
The teenage years can be a time of discovery, of opportunity to participate in adultlike activities, and of deep friends.
The idea of adolescence as an inevitable roller-coaster ride is a myth, as well as our sense of who we are.
The popularity of the myth of adolescent dilemma is due to the fact that teens may be less skilled at controlling their emotional reactions than adults are, so relations to other people the adjustment problems they experience are more obvious.
The most 2 were developed by the man.
The lifespan develops a sense of independence.
Enjoyment and mastery of from "womb to tomb" is what psychologists like to say.
We acquire a more intimate sense of who we are as we negotiate each stage.
Aging sense of self.
The period when adoles of interest in the welfare of others and aging and the prospect of death with a sense of satisfaction are the most fun the world in general about the future damental question of all: who they are.
They may be at risk for later psychological conditions if they don't.
The successful resolution of each stage is important for later in development.
Difficulty solving the challenges posed by later stages will be experienced if we don't solve the challenges posed by earlier stages.
Although theorizing has been influential, the research basis for many of his claims is not very strong.
There isn't much evidence that the stages are in the same order.
There is evidence that people who don't successfully navigate the early stages of development experience more difficulty with later stages than other people.
The findings are only correlational and are not consistent with the model.
The emerging adulthood.
Developmental researchers used to consider people younger than 18 as adolescents and older than 18 as adults.
At the stroke of midnight of the 18th birthday, there isn't a magical transition.
Many changes in identity and emotional development take place in early adulthood that are distinct from later adult experiences, according to scientists.
Many emerging adults struggle to figure out their identities and life goals, trying on different hats in an effort to see which one fits best.
We may juggle "nerdy," "hipster," and "jock" friends at various times, scope out different potential majors, and even explore alternative religious and philosophical beliefs.
Our identities change over time as we get the chance to fit between who we are and who we want to be.
As toddlers and preschoolers, children begin to develop ideas of right and wrong.
In adolescence and emerging adulthood there are no clear right or wrong answers, and arise more frequently in the teen and young adult a time of exploring who we are.
Trying on different identities.
Should is part of the process.
Over the course of development, the approach we adopt to these and other moral problems changes.
We learn not to do bad things to avoid punishment because we associate right with reward in infancy and childhood.
One of the best predictors of the strength of a child's sense of morality is their level of fear years.
Children's moral development is constrained by their level of cognitive development according to Piaget.
A child who accidentally knocks over a stack of 20 kitchen plates is more to blame than a child who deliberately knocks over 10 kitchen plates.
A 13-year-old is more likely to say (b) because it was intentional.
Children are better able to understand that there is more to personal responsibility than the damage done.
A person's intent to cause damage also counts.
There is a book about finding the moral high ground.
The way morality unfolds across the life span was identified by Lawrence Kohlberg.
He looked at how morality changes with development.
We'll use a famous moral problem to explain this point.
Think about how you would handle it.
A woman was near death from a special kind of cancer.
The doctors thought there was a drug that could save her.
A druggist in the town recently discovered a form of radium.
The drug was expensive to make, but the druggist was charging 10 times what the drug cost him to make.
He charged $4,000 for a small dose of radium and paid $400 for it.
The husband of a sick woman went to everyone he knew to borrow the money, but he was only able to get together about $2,000, which is half of what it cost.
He asked the druggist to sell it cheaper or let him pay later because his wife was dying.
Having tried every legal means, he gets desperate and considers breaking into the store to steal the drug.
The reasoning processes underlying the answer to the dilemma were scored by Kohlberg.
It is against the law.
After studying the responses of many children, adolescents, and adults to this and other dilemmas, Kohlberg concluded that morality develops in three major stages.
Sample answers to the Heinz dilemma can be found at each stage in Table 10.2.
What society approves of is what society disapproves of.
What's right and what's wrong are what protects fundamental human rights and values.
What's important is the rationale for deciding what's right for reasonable people, as they may disagree on what is right at each stage of morality.
Although he acknowledged that different people pass through them at different rates, he believed that all people pass through these stages in a fixed order.
Most adults never get past conventional morality to achieve postconventional morality.
Imagine that you just learned that one of your next-door neighbors is wanted for an attempted murder she committed as a young woman three decades ago, and that you have known her for many years as an extremely kind and caring person.
His research has shed light on the development of morality and informed educational efforts to enhance people's moral reasoning.
The findings have been met with more criticism than they have received.
Critics have accused Kohlberg of cultural bias because people from dif erent cultures tend to get higher scores on his moral development scheme.
People from individualism tend to score higher than people from collectivist societies.
The meaning of this finding is not clear because group dif erences don't always imply bias.
Carol Gil igan broke from her mentor to argue that his system was biased against women.
Men are more likely to adopt a "justice" orientation based on abstract principles of fairness, whereas women are more likely to adopt a "caring" orientation based on concrete principles.
There is no evidence that men score higher than women on the scheme.
Basic smarts are required to respond effectively to a moral dilemma.
That fact should make us a bit uneasy, because the scheme may be measuring people's ability to understand and talk about problems in general rather than moral problems in particular.
Measure verbal intelligence and moral development in the same study to see if it washes out the findings.
Intelligence may explain some of the findings, but other studies haven't found it.
The issue is not resolved.
Understanding which decisions you make when faced with an acti moral dilemma reveal a lot about your moral reasoning.
The model assumes that our moral reasoning precedes our emotional reactions to moral issues.
In some cases, our emotional reactions to morally laden stimuli, like photographs of assaults on innocent people, occur almost instantly.
Many people know that incest is immoral but can't explain why.
According to these findings, moral reasoning may sometimes come after our emotional reactions.
The real-world moral behavior is only modestly related to scores on the scheme.
The correlation between Kohlberg's levels and moral behavior, such as honest and altruistic actions, tends to be only about.3 A person may steal a coat from a store because he wants to add it to his fashion collection or he may want to keep his children warm in the winter.
This kind of reasoning raises problems for the system.
If Falsifiability in this system doesn't correlate with behavior, they don't necessarily provide evidence against it.
Kohlberg was only interested in why people chose to do it.
If they offered a reason for their decision, the responses might reflect the same depth of moral reasoning.
Many aspects of our lives begin to change as we emerge into full-blown adulthood.
Major transitions in lifestyle or societal status such as entering a serious relationship, becoming a parent, or shifting from student to wage earner are associated with these changes.
Many of these transitions are wonderful, but can be a challenge.
We often think of adults as following a predictable life trajectory: attending college in the late teens and early 20s, getting that first job after graduation, falling in love with someone of the opposite sex, getting married, having children, and growing old gracefully while rocking on.
We underestimate how many of us follow this stereotype of the road of life.
Many college students in their late 20s, 30s, and 40s attend school while maintaining a job and have families who are financially dependent on them.
Single parents, same-sex parents, unmarried parents, second families following a divorce, and childless couples make up many family units.
According to the Census Bureau, only 20 percent of adults live in nuclear families.
One of the biggest sources of anxiety for young adults graduating from college is what they're going to do for a living.
Many recent graduates want a career path that matches their qualifications and interests.
For some, this strategy can be beneficial, because they end up discovering an unexpected career that is a good fit for their skills and passions.
We used to think of college life, but that is no longer the case.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, being in your late teens or early twenties can cause you to change jobs every 4.5 years.
This was different with the age of the workers.
The 20s and financially dependent on their between the ages of 25 and 34 changed jobs on average every 3 years whereas the parents of many nontraditional students stayed in jobs for longer.
A satisfying job draws on the employee's skills and supports families.
A lack of job satisfaction can affect our emotional well-being.
The high levels of job satisfaction that emerging adults report when they start their first professional position may be due to the fact that the novelty has worn off.
Studies have failed to replicate this finding.
How much job satisfaction changes with age is dependent on the results being duplicated.
A major shift in lifestyle is called for in romantic relationships.
It can be difficult to divide up closet space.
Sharing life with a significant other appears to have benefits.
There is a correlation between physical and emotional intimacy and lower stress.
Those in serious long-term relationships report higher levels of happiness than those who are single.
Correlation vs Causation ing is only correlational and could reflect a tendency for happier people to enter into stable relationships.
Although the average age of marriage in the United States has increased, from 20 for women and 22 for men in 1960 to 25 for women and 27 for men today, approximately half of adults in the United States are married.
About 1 percent of cohabitating couples are same-sex partnerships.
Most people become part of a long-term relationship at some point in their lives.
The biggest transition that adults can have is becoming a parent.
Having a child involves a fundamental and often stressed shift in lifestyle because, suddenly, adults are completely responsible for the well-being of someone other than themselves.
It can be rewarding to be a parent, but it requires a huge change in schedule, a reduction in sleep, and challenges associated with balancing demands of work and family.
It's not uncommon for new parents to think that they'll just stick to their routine and bring baby along with them wherever they go--which almost never works the way they envision it.
According to research, new parents who have the easiest time adjusting to parenthood are the ones with the most realistic expectations.
The adjustment can bring new challenges as children get older, but most parents make it.
Although most adults adjust to parenthood, longitudinal studies show that couples' satisfaction drops for both parents during the year following the birth of a child and stays low throughout the first several years of their child's life.
Couples who are matched on initial level of satisfaction but don't have a child show no decline.
Once children reach school age, marital satisfaction tends to rebound.
Having a baby is significant.
As adults reach middle age, they begin to see the first signs of gray hair and wrinkling, while becoming a new par age.
Stress is a significant source of stress as adults begin to feel it.
The stereotype is that of a man in his 40s or 50s who impulsively buys a motorcycle and leaves his wife for a younger woman.
Although psy attempt to regain youth chologists once viewed this period of transition as a normal part of adult development, researchers have failed to replicate findings of an increase in emotional dis Replicability during middle age.
The midlife crisis is a myth.
The incidence of depression in empty-nest syndrome is thought to have cohort effects.
Women who had their children leave the nest after World War II were less affected by the change in role than women who had their children leave the home in the 1960s and 1970s.
The cohort effect is related to the percentage of women who joined the workforce or were homemakers after World War II.
Some researchers think that empty-nest syndrome is only for white women who don't work outside the home.
Studies of African American and Mexican American women who work outside the home show less distress associated with children flying the nest.
The shift in role takes some adjustment, not to mention the sudden increase in free time.
People are living longer in the 21st century.
The life expectancy of a man in the US is 76.4 and that of a woman is 81.2.
The average life span was 48 for men and 51 for women a century ago, according to the National Center for Health Statistics.
Now that baby boomers are coming of age, a greater percentage of the population is elderly.
The elderly now have more options when it comes to living.
Some people retire and take on part-time work.
Retirement communities and assisted living facilities allow people to maintain active social lives even when they can no longer drive, shop, or cook for themselves.
Depression is less common among the elderly than it is among younger people.
In the 60s and 70s, happiness tends to increase across the population.
The changes that accompany aging are not predicted by chronological age.
He worked on capturing the impact of these changes in later life until he died.
When the stock market is online.
He played bridge a lot.
His "functional age" is what his doctor is talking about, even though his hearing and knees declined in his 90s.
Some people have little change in memory, ability to learn, and personality from adolescence to old age, while others do not.
Functional age may provide a better basis for judging readiness to retire, replacing the arbitrary criterion of chronological age.
When people judge a woman as "dressing too young for her age" or roll their eyes at an older man in a sports car, they're using expectations about social age.
A host of physical and social factors influence how comfortably we age, and growing old isn't entirely a state of mind.
No matter how many candles appear on our birthday cake, we can still promote a younger body and mind by remaining physically and mentally active.
As children develop, how their genes are expressed often depends on their experiences.
The Developing Body is physically distinct from the Motor Developmenters' minds.
Fetal development is important in all cultures.
The brain develops 18 days after conception.
Low-birth-weight babies ties and decisions that their brains aren't always prepared tend to have the least positive outcomes for adolescents.
Motor milestones such as crawling and walking are achieved in roughly the same order, although the ages when 10.4: The Developing Personality: Social they accomplish these are different.
Babies with Moral Development reflexes that help them get started, but experience that is critical to building children's muscles and motor coordination, are born.
Depending on the age of the baby, the head-to-body-size ratio becomes smaller than the one with their caregivers.
Sexual maturation and tal style are indicators of adolescence.
There are large individual differences in age related changes uninvolved, family structure, and peers may all influence in agility and physical coordination.
The stones of physical aging in women is one of the major mile children's behaviors.
Children's temperament and self-control affect their long-term 10.3: The Developing Mind: Cognitive social development.
Children's initial concepts of morality are based on the belief that development unfolds in four stages that fear of punishment, but over time become more sophisticated.
Vygotsky was based on intentions rather than consequences.
One of the challenges of adolescence is getting the belief that different children have different skills.
Contrary to popular psychology, midlife crises are very rare.
Define old age in different ways.
Physical reasoning in infants involves basic, apparently innate Chronological age isn't a perfect predictor of physical, social, knowledge and refinement of knowledge based on experience or cognitive ability in the elderly.
The physical functions of children begin to decline as they get older.
As children move from understanding that our activity level is unimportant, self-recognition becomes more important.
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